Prashant Kishor

Personal life and career

Prashant Kishor was born in c. 1977. His mother hails from Balia District in eastern Uttar Pradesh, while his father, who worked as a Doctor in the Government of Bihar, comes from Bihar. He is married to JVbbahnavi Das, a doctor from Assam and together they have a son.

Kishor began his career as a UN public-health expert working extensively across India before moving to Africa. He first came in contact with Modi when he wrote a paper on “Malnutrition in rich and high-growth states of India”. Kishor highlighted Malnutrition as a unique developmental challenge in India because unlike other development challenges, the progress in reduction of malnutrition even in high-growth, rich states of the country had been less than satisfactory.  Kishor studied Karnataka, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Haryana and concluded that compared to the long term economic growth and per capita income growth witnessed in these states, their progress in decline of malnutrition was less than the national average.

In March 2011, based on this paper Modi asked Prashant Kishor to work on and improve malnutrition situation in Gujarat. Kishor finally moved base to Gujarat in December 2011 but within few months, by April 2012 he was plugged into political campaigning for one of the most crucial elections that faced Modi – Gujarat Assembly Elections 2012.

Kishor was working directly out of Modi's official residence on a pro bono basis, and gained entry into the chief minister's inner circle. However he held no official position either in Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party or in the Gujarat government. Although this he was initially roped in as a policy advisor, Kishor quickly went on to work on Modi's victorious campaign for the 2012 Gujarat assembly election. Thakur wrote in 2015 that how this change in brief came to happen "is history not entirely written yet".

In 2012 Harit Mehta in his article Mystery Man calls the shots, for the Times of India wrote of Prashant, "Emerging as a key strategist and main pointsman for all election related work, extremely low-profile, he made a quiet entry and soon started calling the shots from the CM's residence. Even close Modi aides are directed first to him. Advises Modi on every election related issue"

Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, author of 'Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times' said Kishor was one of the most important people in Modi's team driving strategies for months before 2014 elections. "The strategies by him and his group galvanised the middle class and upper middle class to vote for BJP. It was their efforts that sold Modi as a moderate leader focussed on development, a 'Vikas Purush', thereby shedding his image of an aggressive Hindu right wing leader."

CAG and the 2014 general-election campaign

As the May 2014 general election approached, Kishor conceptualized Citizens for Accountable Governance (CAG) in 2013, described as an action committee. A spokesperson said of Kishor's role within CAG, "During the exploration of the idea, ... Kishor's opinions have been sought at important junctures ... he continues to engage with us on ideation and as a sounding board." A non-profit organisation, it drew in elite young professionals educated at institutions such as the IITs and IIMs, and working in multinational corporations such as JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs and McKinsey. Most of CAG's 60 full-time members did not come from a political background. CAG positioned itself as an independent, policy advocacy group, and claimed to have no involvement with Modi, even though he spent upwards of eight hours at each of the two youth events organised by them in June and October 2013. At the time, CAG aimed to enrol 5,00,000 volunteers ahead to help Modi's campaign, which would give the BJP's prime-ministerial candidate "a potent youth force on the ground that is independent of the BJP and is functional, unlike the dysfunctional youth wings of mainstream political parties", according to the Economic Times.

CAG at its peak comprised 15 state chapters, more than a thousand full-time members, and over one lakh volunteers. They were organized by Kishor across five domains: Data & Analytics, Media & External Communications, Research, Digital Communication, and Field Operations

The group has been credited with conceptualizing and executing the most successful components of Modi campaign - Manthan brought together 7,000 students from India's leading colleges, following a nationwide contest for policy ideas that ran for three months, through which Modi himself sat for an upwards of 8 hours straight. The Statue of Unity movement – Modi's pledge to build the world's tallest statue of Sardar Patel by collecting 700 tonnes of iron from five lakh villages which aimed to set half a dozen Guinness world records was driven by CAG. "CAG ran a research wing that produced talking points for Modi as he crisscrossed the country. It organized the Run for Unity, which now claims the world record for the largest number of people running and walking at the same time…

When Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyer took a dig at Modi's background selling tea at railway stations, the folks at CAG quickly conceptualized an event they called Chai pe Charcha (a conversation over tea), a video conference spread across 1,000 tea stalls, turning the critical remark into political capital. In Uttar Pradesh, the CAG implemented the Modi Aane Wala Hai (Modi's arrival is imminent) campaign, in which some 400 video vans took Modi's speeches to thousands of villages that are deemed to be part of a so-called dark zone, where mass-media penetration is poor. It also planned the schedule of the final thrust, the Bharat Vijay rallies, during which Modi spoke at three or four venues in a single day, and was projected by 3D holographic image to 100 locations simultaneously". Young Leader's Conclave, parallel Modi for PM fund, Modi's digital and social media platforms – all were driven by CAG. Additionally the group took on the task of digitization of the entire electoral data and ran analytical algorithms on them for targeted campaigns. The group also sought to brand Modi as a vikas purush (man of progress), highlighting his achievements as Gujarat chief minister, to make him more palatable outside of his traditional hardline-Hindutva constituency

Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, author of 'Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times' said Kishor was one of the most important people in Modi's team driving strategies for months before 2014 elections. "The strategies by him and his group galvanised the middle class and upper middle class to vote for BJP. It was their efforts that sold Modi as a moderate leader focussed on development, a 'Vikas Purush', thereby shedding his image of an aggressive Hindu right wing leader."

Shedding light on the aftermath of Lok Sabha Elections 2014 and the parting of ways between Narendra Modi and Prashant Kishor, Piyush Tripathi wrote for The Telegraph, "shortly after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's stunning electoral victory in 2014, working as poll strategist with Modi, Kishor had explored the idea of setting up of a parallel policy advisory unit attached to the PMO. The idea was to convert the Citizens for Accountable Governance (CAG), which crafted the Modi campaign, into a specialist policy outfit called I-PACE to counsel the Prime Minister on development. The abortion of Kishor's proposal eventually led him to break with Modi and set up camp on the Nitish precincts. Over the following few months, Kishor recast I-PACE as I-PAC, an electioneering agency and set out the campaign and alliance strategies that saw the Grand Alliance trounce the BJP in the race for power in Bihar".

I-PAC and the 2015 Bihar Assembly election campaign

In 2015, some of the erstwhile CAG members regrouped as I-PAC (Indian Political Action Committee) under Kishor's mentorship and started working with Nitish Kumar, the two-time Chief Minister of Bihar who was seeking a third term in Assembly Elections 2015. Prior to a formal announcement or launch of the election campaign, media was buzzing with speculation. Vasudha Gopal in her article for The Economic Times was the one of the first journalists who broke "Prashant Kishor: Man pivot of PM Narendra Modi campaign in talks to help steer JD(U) in Bihar election". Calling him "a man of technology and strategy", Venugopal wrote, "Kishor, 37, one of the prime movers of Citizens for Accountable Governance, an outfit modelled on the US-style political action committees that act as force multipliers to political campaigns in that country, is all set to project and define Kumar as an antithesis of Modi in the upcoming Bihar elections, possibly using the very tools used to build up the former Gujarat chief minister to try and knock him down. His entry into the Bihar political arena could also herald a new form of campaigning replete with its strong reliance on data analytics, branding and communication strategies hitherto unseen in a state known more for complicated caste arithmetic and use of muscle to win elections". Speaking on the Bihar elections itself, she continues "The upcoming elections in Bihar, political analysts reckon, are crucial and personal for both Kumar and Modi. For Modi, the Bihar elections, coming as they do after BJP's loss in the Delhi assembly poll, will mark a re-test of the 'Modi wave'. For Kumar, who broke off his party's long-term alliance with BJP in 2013 after the saffron party moved to project Modi as its PM candidate, a victory in the Bihar elections is essential for political survival. A victory could catapult Kumar as a possible national figure around whom all non-BJP, non-Congress parties could coalesce." He has been hired by the Indian national Congress to fight the crucial state elections of 2016 and 2017, such as Punjab, Uttar Pradesh etc.

In his article Backroom Boy who changed the rules, journalist Sankarshan Thakur writes, "When Kishor arrived to formally join the Nitish establishment this summer, very little was in place other than Nitish Kumar who had resumed as chief minister. Conventional wisdom afloat across Bihar was that the Modi team would do an encore, sweep Bihar. There was no strategy, no resources, no alliance… That changed dramatically…"

"The [I-PAC] team was structured to serve a dual purpose, in the central war room and in the field; in additional two-three team members were assigned to each district to work alongside 250 locally hired employees, or Central Resource Mobilisers (CRM). Based on door-to-door campaigning, a panchayat level, then block level, and finally district level list of prospective voters was created Er Anish Kumar also working with us as a political Adviser in Bhojpur bihar. [Kishor] telescoped the focus on Nitish, and rallied his practised tools behind him - multiple platforms on Internet, Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, print and telescreens; colonial raids on skylines to capture billboard space; an armada of LED-mounted trucks despatched to far corners statewide; a 500-strong army of researchers, data crunchers, copy writers and publicists hunkered at work 24/7 in prefab tenements." "About the only thing he did not do in this campaign was to board a chopper and go from dais to dais addressing public meetings. Every place else on the Mahagathbandhan's winner plot lies the footprint of Prashant Kishor, now surely accredited master of the election game. A doubly proven one-man political consultancy that few would now dare take lightly"

"During the election campaign, Kishor also played key interlocutor between Nitish and RJD boss Lalu Prasad. It is a fair guess his continued presence in Patna [for BVM] will extend the lease on his political liaisoning between the two big alliance heads. The JDU-RJD alliance, fledgling though it is, is no stranger to personality and policy strains, and Kishor may well be called upon to run rescue errands when required to keep the boat steady".

Bihar Vikas Mission 2016

In January 2016, Bihar Cabinet "cleared the proposal for setting up a new body called the Bihar Vikas Mission to implement the five-year programmes of good governance and development in the state."

"The Mission will be steered by Kishor - who crafted Nitish's electoral strategy - and will be turned into a parallel secretariat of technocrats and field experts. The Mission will draw upon some 1,500 policy and tech experts who will drive Nitish's development imperatives." "This effectively means Nitish is arming himself with a personal secretariat of technocrats and field experts, broadly after the manner chief executives in presidential governments possess, to push pressing development imperatives."

"Kishor's task would be to devise a development blueprint in sync with Nitish's electoral promises. The Mission's immediate goal would be to work towards executing Nitish's saat nishchay or seven-point agenda - economic programming specifically geared for youth; job reservations and empowerment for women; electricity, drinking water and toilets to each home; laying pucca streets through habitations across the state; and expanding economic opportunity through education. Also, the Mission would work on a plan to attract substantive investment for industry and employment. In addition, the Mission would focus on time-bound implementation of the agriculture road map, human development mission, skill development etc, covered under the good governance programme 2016-20.

A separate unit, consisting of professionals and technical experts, would assess the implementation of projects and collect feedback from the people by visiting the ground. The unit would report to the governing body, which would use its input for fine-tuning policies and projects and would direct the implementing agencies to work accordingly. As reported by a government official, The Mission is by, of and for Prashant Kishor". "Once the Bihar Vikas Mission becomes effective in early April, it will be Kishor's task to devise a development blueprint echoing the lofty policy and manifesto promises made by Nitish during the Bihar election. An essential - and uphill - objective will also be to attract substantive investment for industry and employment. Bihar has lagged consistently as an investment destination owing to poor infrastructure, law and order and living conditions. The effort of the Bihar Vikas Mission will be to alter that".

On January 26, 2016 Bihar Chief Minister in a series of tweets described Bihar Vikas Mission as a "leap of faith & a pathbreaking initiative to fast track development& ensure time bound delivery of services in mission mode". BVM will work in sync with the existing govt machinery and will be a facilitator and force multiplier at all levels of service delivery. It will focus on helping govt machinery find solutions & technical knowhow, resources for execution & overcome procedural difficulties and provide a structured platform for young professionals and experts to join hands with govt in our endeavour to fast track development".

Punjab Assembly Election Results 2017

In 2016 Kishor was brought on board by the Congress for Punjab Assembly Elections due in 2017. "Captain Amarinder Singh had lost two consecutive Assembly elections for the Congress and another defeat would have marked the end of his political career. He was the one who had sought Prashant Kishor’s help in strategising for the party's campaign in Punjab.

Prashant, who is credited with the victory of Narendra Modi in 2014, followed by Nitish Kumar in Bihar a year later, was looking for a similar feat in Punjab and thus, his hat-trick of successes. And he did it with aplomb.The reaction of his team members shortly after the polling got over on 4 February was an indication of the things to come. His team distributed sweets among themselves and cut a cake to mark the occasion and predicted that the Congress would win at least 64 seats. The party won 77 seats in the 117-seat assembly".

"Ahead of the winters, Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal organised a big rally in the Malwa region of Punjab. This announced the start of the election fever in the state. Although there was an anti-incumbency wave against the ruling Akali-BJP government, political analysts predicted a victory for the AAP pointing to an internal strife in the Congress. However, with the help of strategist Prashant Kishor, the Punjab Congress laid down its approach and turned around Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh’s image within a year. Thanks to Prashant Kishor’s Indian Political Action Committee’s (I-PAC’s) strategy due to which the party finally won power in Punjab".

"Prashant and his team had got on with the job about a year ago. The team members evaluated each constituency and shortlisted best suited candidates. Prashant used to hold discussions with party leaders and constantly shared his inputs with Amarinder. He put in place a plan of action for the election campaign for the Punjab Congress and initiated programmes like Coffee with Captain and Punjab Da Kaptan to drum up support for the party. He organised interactions of college students with Amarinder Singh and appointed local 'kaptans' to continue the campaign".

"In all, five elements were at play. The first was to spread the message of 'Brand Captain' via door-to-door campaigns. The next target was the youth, for which the entire Congress came to together to try and take AAP on in their game of volunteer driven campaigning. This was followed by the strategic political interventions: cricketer-turned-politician Navjot Singh Sidhu joining the Congress and Amarinder’s announcement that he would fight from Lambi and his formal announcement as the chief ministerial candidate".

The historic win in Punjab since Independence is credited to the free hand that Kishor and his team were given in Punjab. Several Congress leaders like Randeep Surjewala and Shankersinh Vaghela came on record to openly credit Kishor with the win. Amarinder Singh tweeted, "As I have said many times before, PK & his team and their work was absolutely critical to our victory in Punjab!".

Uttar Pradesh Assembly Election Results 2017

In the 2017 State Assembly Elections of uttar pradesh the Indian National Congress brought Prashant Kishor on board to help them with the UP Elections. However, in these elections, he failed to recreate his magic as BJP won more than 300+ seats and Congress could only manage 7 seats. It was alleged that Kishor faced difficulty in getting his ideas and suggestions implemented and he and his organisation, at best, were supporting the campaign from the sidelines.