Leader Nasuh Mitap Dissolved 1985 | Founded 1977 | |
Preceded by THKP-CDevrimci Gençlik Ideology CommunismMarxism–Leninism | ||
Devrimci Yol (Turkish for "Revolutionary Path", shortly DEV-YOL) was a Turkish political movement (as opposed to a tightly structured organization) with many supporters in trade unions and other professional institutions. Its ideology was based on Marxism-Leninism but rejected both the Soviet and the Chinese model in favor of a more native Turkish model, although it was influenced by the latter. Devrimci Yol entered the political scene in Turkey on 1 May 1977 with its manifesto called bildirge. Its roots can be seen in a movement that called itself Devrimci Gençlik ("Revolutionary Youth", short DEV-GENÇ), and it followed the thesis of Mahir Çayan.
Contents
Self-portrayal
The defence in the central trial against members of Devrimci Yol at Ankara Military Court included the following lines:
"In many areas of life and many cities in Turkey Devrimci Yolcu's (follower of Devrimci Yol) can be found. They carry the name because they defend a common political view on the fight against fascism and the general problems of the revolutionary fight in our country."The brochure published in Hamburg in November 1980 carried the emblem of the organization (fist on top of a star) and therefore the views expressed there reflect the attitude of the organization:
"Devrimci Yol calls the current regime in Turkey fascism of a colonialist type... We have seen that the anti-fascist fight is closely related to the fight against imperialism... The armed struggle merely means to systematize and extend the scattered resistance against fascism." (page 25)The question of violence
"The journal and supporters of Dev-Yol were not opposed to violence, but tried to put into practice a defence policy centred around the idea of 'committees of resistance', which were to counter attacks against the population by right-wing militants known as the Grey Wolves." The first resistance committees (direniş komiteleri) were formed since Devrimci Yol believed that there was a civil war in Turkey. Arms were to be used in defence. One of the main goals of the committees was the establishment of cooperatives of production. In Fatsa, for instance, a hazelnut cooperative was founded.
Yet, militants of Devrimci Yol were not only engaged in bitter fightings against right wing militants but also clashed with other left groups. In these fights some 5,000 people lost their lives until the military coup of September 1980. Actually the defence in the central trial against Devrimci Yol presented more detailed figures. According to these figures among the total of 5,388 victims 2,109 had been left-wingers, 1,286 had been right-wingers and 268 had belonged to other groups. Besides 94 children killed in these fightings 281 members of the security forces had been killed. In 1,350 cases it had been impossible to determine the background.
Resistance committees in practice
The resistance committees (organized in factories or quarters) were put to the test during the incidents in Çorum in July 1980. Just like the conflict in Kahramanmaraş in December 1978 the clashes in Çorum seemed to emerge from religious tensions between the dominant Sunnites and the minority of Alevites, but at the same time were a battle between right and left wing groups for domination in the town. Talking about fascist aggression the committees in the quarters erected barricades trying to avoid further losses.
Although a curfew was announced and the military intervened some 50 people were killed. While the conflict in Çorum was still continuing Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel intervened by saying Çorum'u bırak, Fatsa'ya bak (Leave Çorum and look at Fatsa). He was referring to the district town at the Black Sea of (at the time some 20,000 inhabitants) who in 1979 had elected Fikri Sönmez, known as terzi Fikri ("Tailor Fikri") as mayor with 62% of the votes. The words of Demirel resulted in the so-called "point operation" (nokta operasyonu), a military operation that destroyed the project of self-administration in Fatsa (in German de:Selbstverwaltung in Fatsa). More than 1,000 people were detained. The military operation in Fatsa was often termed rehearsal for the coup.
Prosecution of Devrimci Yol members
After the military coup of 12 September 1980 tens of thousands of men and women were taken into custody. More than 30,000 were jailed in the first four months after the coup. Alleged members of Devrimci Yol were detained in many parts of the country and tried at military courts. Many of these trials involved several hundred defendants.
Mass trials
The list of mass trials against alleged members of Devrimci Yol and the number of death penalties passed in these trials is based on press reports collected by the alternative türkeihilfe
Executions
Between 1980 and 1984 a total of 50 people including 27 political prisoners were executed in Turkey. Executed for violent activities as members of Devrimci Yol were:
Deaths in custody
After the military coup of September 1980 the number of deaths in custody increased decisively. Many of them were alleged to be the result of torture. The victims included persons who had been detained on suspicion of being members of Devrimci Yol. They included:
Current situation
Some cadres of Devrimci Yol, who managed to leave the country formed an organization in Europe called Devrimci İşçi (Revolutionary Worker) and for some time published a paper called Demokrat Türkiye, but later dissolved. In April 1991 the Law to Fight Terrorism (Law 3713) entered into force in Turkey. Temporary Article 1 of this law provided that all death sentences would be commuted to 10 years' imprisonment. Subsequently most long-term prisoners including the leading members of Devrimci Yol were released. Most of them joined the Freedom and Solidarity Party (Özgürlük ve Dayanışma Partisi, ÖDP). Some people tried to revive Devrimci Yol. Attempts can be seen around journals such as Yön (Direction), Devrim (Revolution), Devrimci Gençlik (Revolutionary Youth), Liseli Genç Umut (Hope for Youth at School) or Halkın Sesi (Voice of the people). Other attempts of reorganizing the group have remained at a low level.