Wat Phra Dhammakaya

First encounters

Wat Phra Dhammakaya started with the maechi (nun) Chandra Khonnokyoong. She was a notable student of Luang Pu Sodh Candasaro, when he was still alive. Although illiterate, she was widely respected for her experience in meditation, which is rare for a maechi. She managed to attract many well-educated students, despite her rural background and illiteracy. After Luang Pu Sodh died in 1959, Maechi Chandra transmitted the Dhammakaya tradition to a new generation at Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen. She taught meditation to people interested, including a university student called Chaiyabun Sutthiphon. His parents were Lao Song and Thai-Chinese, and separated when he was young. Chaiyabun was raised by his father, who was an engineer working for a government agency. Chaiyabun developed a strong interest in reading, especially in books on Buddhist practice and biographies of leading people in the world, both religious and political. He came across a magazine about Maechi Chandra. In 1963, while he enrolled in Kasetsart University, he started visiting Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen. It was here that he first met Maechi Chandra and started to learn meditation with her.

Chaiyabun encouraged his fellow university students to join the activities at Wat Paknam, and the community grew. One of these students was Phadet Phongsawat. In Wat Phra Dhammakaya's biographies, it is told that Phadet often held public demonstrations of black magic (Thai: ไสยศาสตร์) to his fellow students in his years at Kasetsart University. However, every time Chaiyabun joined to watch one of Phadet's demonstrations, the magic would not work. Phadet therefore became curious, and learnt about Dhammakaya meditation from Chaiyabun. He felt inspired by Chaiyabun's sincerity in meditation and his adherence to the Buddhist five precepts.

From Wat Paknam to Wat Phra Dhammakaya

In the beginning, the meditations and teachings were carried out in a small house called "Ban Dhammaprasit" in the compound of Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen. Chaiyabun had set up a group called "Dhammaprasit" and this group had financed the house together in which to organize meditations. Once Chaiyabun was ordained as a monk in 1969 and received the name Phra Dhammajayo, he started teaching Dhammakaya meditation together with Maechi Chandra. Because of the popularity of both teachers, the number of participants increased, and they considered it more appropriate to start a new temple by themselves. Although initially they intended to buy a plot of land in Patum Thani, the landowner Khunying Prayat Suntharawet gave a plot four times the requested size to celebrate her birthday. Thus, on 20 February 1970, Maechi Chandra, Phra Dhammajayo, Phra Dattajivo and their students moved to the 196-rai (313,600 m² or 77.5-acre) plot of land to found a meditation center.

The site, sixteen kilometres (9.9 mi) north of Don Mueang International Airport, was originally called "Sun Phutthachak-patipattham" (Thai: ศูนย์พุทธจักรปฏิบัติธรรม). At the time Patum Thani was well outside Bangkok's northern suburbs. From acidic paddy fields, a woodland was created to be a park for meditation practitioners. The initial budget for construction was very low (3,200 Baht), but despite these economical constraints, the construction of the buildings on the land was able to continue. A book about the initiative was compiled, to inspire people to join in and help. In the accounts of the temple, it is told that the construction happened with great attention for detail. For example, the outside of the wall of the Ubosot was made of gravel that was selected manually. Because the land at first was very acid, only wattle could be planted. Later on, the soil improved. Though originally the intention was simply to build a center—as a satellite meditation center of Wat Paknam—eventually, this was changed to building a full-fledged temple, under pressure of authorities. The foundation stone for the Ubosot was laid by Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn on behalf of King Bhumibol Adulyadej in December 1977. The following year it was officially recognized as a temple by the Thai government, as "Wat Voranee Dhammakayaram", named after the daughter of Khunying Prayat, Voranee. However, there was disagreement as to who should become the abbot of the temple, and she left. In 1982, the temple was therefore renamed "Wat Phra

Dhammakaya". The main concept of the temple from the start was to be "a school for teaching ethics to society at large", which the founders believed a temple should be.

Start of Dhammadayada program

In 1972, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started a program called Dhammadayada ('heirs of the Dhamma'), a meditation training program focused on university students. Wat Phra Dhammakaya emphasized youth and young adults in its orientation from its outset. The Buddhist societies of many of Thai universities and colleges were led by supporters of the temple, many coming from the Dhammadayada program, though mid-1990s this influence grew weaker. In 1981, the temple also started organizing a contest called 'Path of Progress' (Thai: ทางกาวหน้า). In this program, schools all over Thailand competed in their knowledge of Buddhist ethics, which was designed to complement the national education system, which the temple believed had become too secularized. Due to the large number of students joining the temple's activities, who in the 1970s tended to be leftist, for a brief period Wat Phra Dhammakaya was accused of supporting the Communist insurgency in Thailand and the student uprisings in the 1970s.

In this beginning period, Maechi Chandra still had an important role in fundraising and decision-making. During the years to follow, this would gradually become less, as she grow older and withdrew more to the background of the temple's organization.

Further development of the Dhammadayada program

After 1979, the Dhammadayada program began to include a temporary ordination. In Thailand, it had been a tradition for men to ordain for the monastic rains retreat (vassa) as a rite of passage before becoming adult. These ordinations were becoming shorter, and the temple was trying to reverse this trend. During such a training program at the temple, participants typically started off with rigorous physical training to prepare themselves for the program. When the training started, they kept the eight precepts, slept under mosquito nets in the open air, and meditated for four to eight hours per day. After this preparatory training, they ordained for the remaining period of at least one month. Ordination ceremonies were held at Wat Benchamabophit. The program initially focused on university students, starting with network of friends of Luang Por Dhammajayo and Luang Por Dattajivo. During the period of the temple's construction, the Dhammadayada ordination plan gave training to hundreds of students, who swelled the number of residents in the temple community. For monks who stayed on for longer, ordaining for life was emphasized more than in other temples, though considerable screening took place before someone could do so. For women, a parallel training program was held from 1986 onwards, in which the eight precepts were kept, but the women did not shave their hair in the manner of mae chis or nuns.

Appeal

The temple gained great popularity during the 1980s (during the Asian economic boom), especially among the growing well-educated and entrepreneurial middle class, mostly small-business owners and technocrats of Sino-Thai origin. Royalty and high-standing civil servants also started to visit the temple, including the generals Arthit Kamlang-ek and Chaovalit Yongchaiyuth. During this period the temple experienced tremendous growth in terms of monks, lay workers and temple visitors. The temple therefore established a screening procedure for newcomer employees. Furthermore, Mae chi Chandra set strict rules and regulations for the community, such as a prohibition on political lobbying and selling things in the temple. Wat Phra Dhammakaya emphasized values of prosperity, modernity and personal development, which made it attractive for the middle class, especially during times of quick cultural and social changes. By the mid-1980s, the temple was attracting up to fifty thousand people on major ceremonies. The Dhammadaya ordination program started out with sixty participants in 1979; by 1986, over a thousand participants joined. In 1990, the temple had 260 monks, 214 samaneras (novices that are minors) and 441 full-time employees. In 1995, Wat Phra Dhammakaya caught the nation's attention when a Magha Puja celebration was broadcast live on television, with the then Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn as chairman of the ceremony.

Other activities

Wat Phra Dhammakaya became known for its emphasis on meditation, especially samatha meditation (meditation aiming at tranquility of mind). Every Sunday morning, meditation was taught to the public. Every weekend a meditation retreat was held at the temple at no cost. For these weekends, the temple started using the word dhutanga ('ascetic practice') for accommodation in the open air, a word normally used for monastic practice. Seven-day retreats were held regularly at several locations, during which participants were required to keep the eight precepts. Also, special retreats were led by Luang Por Dhammajayo himself in Doi Suthep. With regard to the three Trainings (Pali: tisikkha) in Buddhist teaching, the temple was described as the temple that represents the meditation aspect (Pali: samadhi), whereas the Santi Asoke movement represents the discipline aspect (Pali: sila) and Luang Por Buddhadasa and his followers the wisdom aspect (Pali: pañña).

One of the core activities of the temple, since its inceptions, has been the ceremony of 'honoring the Buddhas by food' (Thai: บูชาข้าวพระ), held every first Sunday of the month. This ceremony was of that importance that people from all over the country traveled by bus to join it, from urban and rural areas. It was usually led by the abbot himself, and up until her death, by Maechi Chandra Khonnokyoong too. According to the temple's practitioners, in this ceremony food is offered to the Buddhas in meditation. The ceremony has been an important aspect of the temple's attractiveness for the public.

The temple also started to develop a social dimension in its activities. For example, it started promoting blood donations. The temple also organized training programs for both the private and public sector, emphasizing peace and stability in society by training government officers to be more reliable. The temple also became active in promoting Buddhist scholarship and educational reform in the Sangha (monastic community), producing a cd with searchable texts of the Pali Canon in 1984, in cooperation with the Pali Text Society, Mahidol University and the University of California in Berkeley. In 1990, the temple also organized its first academic seminar Buddhism into the Year 2000, with over a hundred international scholars joining. On a more local level, the temple started to organize a yearly congratulation ceremony for Pali graduates at the highest level, and offered funds to temples that excelled at teaching Pali. The temple was known to have wide support from the Thai Sangha and was tolerated by the government, though at times the government asked the temple to limit its mass assemblies. In 1985, the Department of Religious Affairs, Ministry of Education, prohibited the building of a meditation center in the province, citing as a reason that it was not accessible enough for people to visit. Fuengfusakul concludes that during this period the government was afraid of the temple's ability to gather a large number of people.

In 1986, the Dhammakaya Foundation became a United Nations-accredited non-governmental organization, and started sending delegations to join worskhops on youth and peace education. as of 2015, the foundation was in consultative status with the Economic and Social Council. In the 1980s, the foundation also became a member of the World Fellowship of Buddhist Youth and the World Fellowship of Buddhists networks, and later the chairman of the World Fellowship of Buddhist Youth. The foundation started to build up many relations with Buddhist organizations outside of Thailand, including Fo Guang Shan in Taiwan and the Ten Thousand Buddhas Monastery in Hong Kong.

From 1992 onwards, the temple started to found its first branch centers, in the United States, Japan and Taiwan.

Construction

The Ubosot was completed in 1982, and the ceremony for allocating of the Ubosot's boundary was held three years later. In 1984, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started expanding the temple's ground with two thousand rai (3.2 km²). (See § World Dhammakaya Center, below.) Surrounding land was bought from a land owner, on the condition that the temple would deal with the sixty-one farmers who rented the land. The temple offered the renting farmers the option to end the contract early and obtain a compensation, or to stay until the contract ended and then leave. Seven farmers disagreed with both proposals, however, and the temple raised its offer, but to no avail. The resisting farmers then organized a protest, which was joined by a hundred land tenants from other places who felt unfairly treated by real estate firms.

The protest, which was featured in all major Thai newspapers, ended with the tenants handing over a letter at a government office, asking for justice. The government investigated the temple's case, but concluded that the temple had acted lawfully. Outraged by the outcome, a number of protesters destroyed some parts of Wat Phra Dhammakaya's temple grounds, and the mob leader was arrested and imprisoned. The local municipality had to mediate and was able to persuade some of the farmers to accept the temple's proposal. Wat Phra Dhammakaya stated that they believed the protests were stirred up by investors who wanted the land for themselves. A similar incident occurred in 1988 in Chiang Rai Province, when villagers felt threatened by the expanding activities led by forty monks of the temple. Eventually the monks had to leave because of the violent conflict that erupted. In this case local politicians may have stirred the violent clashes, Taylor speculates.

In 1994, the temple began designing for the building of a huge stupa (a mound-like structure) which was later to become known as the Maha Dhammakaya Cetiya. The monument would be built to last for a thousand years, and would consist of a million Buddha images. An experienced architect and experienced engineers were employed, and the latest technology was used in the construction, to meet the demands of the project and to follow the traditions of cetiyas and stupas. Though traditionally stupas were often financed by kings, the Dhammakaya Cetiya was to be financed by people of all parts of society, all contributing their part. Attempts were made to involve the devotees of the temple through different stages of construction, through organizing meditations around the Cetiya, and holding ceremonies, in which people were given hammers to symbolically hit a foundation pile into the ground.

The miracle controversy

In the late 1990s, Wat Phra Dhammakaya became known for its modern management and iconography, and became active in using modern media and public relations, to a scale which was until then unknown in Thailand. The temple even received a prize for best marketing strategies from the Business Association of Thailand. In 1998, the temple first started to hold large-scale training programs, for laymen (13,824 participants) laywomen (140,000 participants) and samaneras (13,842 participants). The temple received much financial support, including donations from real-estate firms.

In November 1998, after a ceremony held at the Cetiya of the temple, the temple reported in brochures and national newspapers that a miracle (Thai: อัศจรรย์ตะวันแก้ว) had occurred at the Cetiya, which was witnessed by thousands of people. The miracle involved seeing an image of a Buddha or of Luang Pu Sodh imposed on the sun. Shortly afterwards, the Thai media responded very critical, leading to a nationwide, very intense debate about the state of Thai Buddhism in general, and Wat Phra Dhammakaya in particular, that lasted for an unusually long ten months. Critics believed that Wat Phra Dhammakaya, and Thai Buddhism in general, had become too much of a commercial enterprise (Thai: พุทธพานิช) and had grown corrupt; practitioners and temple devotees argued tradition was being followed.

The main criticism was that the temple was using fundraising methods that did not fit in with Buddhism. Examples that were pointed out were the fact that fundraising resembled direct sales, the distribution of amulets to donors as complementary gift and the use of modern technology. Scholars in Buddhism, such as Luang Por Payutto, social critic Sulak Sivaraksa, as well as two monks who formerly lived at the temple, all argued against the temple's fundraising methods. Moreover, some teachings of the temple were criticized: the idea that large donations yield greater fruits or merit, and the idea that Nibbana was the true self. (See § Principles, practices and beliefs, below.) Although many of these methods and teachings were not unique to Wat Phra Dhammakaya, the criticism came at a moment when the temple had become very noticeable due to its size, its high-profile supporters, and due to the project of building the Cetiya, which required a lot of funds. And all of this at the backdrop of the financial crisis that Thailand was going through.

Wat Phra Dhammakaya replied to the critics of the Cetiya building project that the building had begun before the crisis, when the economy was still booming; therefore, the timing was not wrong. The temple also raised examples of other important Thai building projects that had been realized during crises. Finally, the temple posed the question: if, despite the crisis, people were still buying alcohol and cigarettes and still going to the movie, then what was wrong with donating for a religious building? The temple also replied its critics about the accusations of wealth, stating that the temple's wealth was used for the laypeople and Buddhist education, not for other purposes. Building large buildings benefited Buddhism as a whole, not just the temple, because it helped strengthen the religion. Apart from donating to hospitals or schools, financially supporting Buddhism should also be done, because it would help foster ethics in society.

Investigations and lawsuits

Under pressure of public outcry and critics, January 1999 the Sangha Supreme Council started an investigation in the accusations, led by Luang Por Ñanavaro, Chief of the ฺGreater Bangkok Region. The Sangha Council declared that Wat Phra Dhammakaya had not broken any serious offenses against monastic discipline (Vinaya) that were cause for defrocking (removal from monkhood), but four directives were given for the temple to improve itself: setting up an Abhidhamma school, more focus on vipassana meditation, and strict adherence to the rules of the Vinaya and regulations of the Sangha Council. One of the accusations Luang Por Ñanavaro investigated, was that Luang Por Dhammajayo had moved land donated to the temple to his own name. Wat Phra Dhammakaya denied this, stating that it was the intention of the donors to give the land to the abbot, and not the temple. Nevertheless, Luang Por Ñanavaro asked the Religious Affairs Department to assist Luang Por Dhammajayo in returning the land to the temple. The abbot stated he was willing to transfer the land, but this required some time, because it required negotiation with the original donors. When by May the temple had not moved all the land yet, a number of things happened.

First of all, a letter was leaked to the press which was signed by the Supreme Patriarch (head of the Thai monastic community). This implied that Luang Por Dhammajayo had to disrobe because he had not transferred donated land back to the temple. A warning had preceded this letter, which government officials said had not yet been forwarded to the Sangha Council and Wat Phra Dhammakaya. The statement had a great impact. In response, the Religious Affairs Department pressed criminal charges of embezzlement against the abbot and a close aide. The temple stated that, being subject to a criminal lawsuit, the abbot would no longer transfer the land, because this might be interpreted as acceptance of guilt. Wat Phra Dhammakaya and the Sangha Council requested the department to wait until the monastic trials were finished first, but it continued the lawsuit anyway. Moreover, the department set up a public help-desk and post office box to receive complaints about the temple. With the resulting witness accounts, more charges were laid against Luang Por Dhammajayo. In the process of these investigations, the main politicians responsible, that is the Minister and Deputy Minister of Education, were both replaced, with the new Minister Somsak Prissanananthakul assuming a key role in the judicial processes against the abbot.

In June, the prosecutors started summoning Luang Por Dhammajayo, but he did not go to acknowledge the charges, citing bad health. Moreover, the temple underlined the legal rights of monks under the constitution, pointing out that possessing personal property is common and legal in the Thai Sangha. Spokespeople also questioned whether the letter of the Patriarch was not a fake. In a statement that was featured in many newspapers, Luang por Dhammajayo declared that he would not disrobe under any circumstances, but "would die in the [monk's] saffron robes". When the Prime Minister himself pressured the abbot to acknowledge the charges, the temple asked for a guarantee that the abbot would not be imprisoned and consequently defrocked. No such guarantee was given, an arrest warrant followed, and a standoff began between a police force of hundreds, and thousands of the temple's practitioners, in which the latter barricaded the temple's entrances. After two days, Luang Por Dhammajayo agreed to let the police take him when the requested guarantee was given, and a Sangha Council member threatened to defrock the abbot if he did not go with the police. The abbot was interrogated for three hours, but not defrocked. Then he was released on a bail of two million baht, still on the same day. The news made headlines worldwide. From November onward, Luang Por Dhammajayo started to go to court.

The Ministry of Education also accused Luang Por Dhammajayo of having stated that the Tipitaka (Buddhist scriptures) was incomplete. This accusation was religious in nature, however, and would normally only be made by other monks in a monastic trial. Luang Por Ñanavaro and Wat Phra Dhammakaya therefore questioned the jurisdiction of laypeople in this matter, but eventually it was decided that the charges could be pressed, as long as the accuser in the final trial was a monk. A period of investigation passed by, after which Luang Por Ñanavaro insisted that the Sangha Council's four-point advice had been sufficient. Discussions arose in the media, questioning the authority of the Thai Sangha and government to deal with problems within the Thai Sangha. Luang por Ñanavaro was removed from the Sangha Council and replaced.

Meanwhile, Luang Por Dhammajayo was suspended as abbot, as the trials continued and Luang Por Dhammajayo's deputies continued to manage the temple. The chief monk overseeing the local temples in the area had to be removed from office in the process, because he refused to suspend Luang Por Dhammajayo. Luang Por Dhammajayo had fallen ill and was hospitalized with throat and lung infections. In the 2000s, the controversies gradually lost the interest of the public, as the news focused on other topics, although in 2002 a fifth charge against the abbot was added to the list. The trials proceeded slowly, as the hearings were postponed because of evidence that was not ready, and because of the abbot's illness.

The temple's response

During the Supreme Sangha's investigations, the temple responded little to the accusations. But when the Ministry of Education decided to no longer wait on the Sangha Council's investigations, and pressed charges on Wat Phra Dhammakaya, the temple responded by suing for malicious prosecution. The temple accused several leading people in the Ministry of abusing their position, and petitioned the Constitutional Court, calling the religious charges a violation of freedom of religion. Spokespeople and proponents of the temple described the response of the ministry and the media as "stirring up controversy", and politically motivated.

During this period, many news reporters used pejorative language in describing the Sangha Council, the Supreme Patriarch, or Wat Phra Dhammakaya. In May 1999, monastic chiefs of regions nationwide sent a letter to the Prime Minister to help protect Buddhism and press media to use more polite language and show more respect for judicial processes. News reporters would often use abusive or pejorative language describing the temple or Luang Por Dhammajayo, such as 'idiot with glasses' (Thai: ไอ้แว่น) or simply calling Luang Por Dhammajayo by his first name used as a layman, "Chaiyabun", as though he had already been defrocked. December 1999, Wat Phra Dhammakaya sued the news papers Matichon, Siam Rath, Khao Sod, Daily News and the television station ITV. The temple laid civil and criminal charges for slander, accusing the media outlets for depicting the temple in a distorted way. In 2001 and 2003, ITV, Siam Rath, and Matichon were found guilty of slander and forced by verdict to issue a public apology in their newspapers, admitting to publishing distorted information about Luang Por Dhammajayo trading in stock, transferring money to mistresses, and other accusations. Siam Rath was also found guilty of violating the authority of the court, by publishing incorrect information on a verdict. The charges laid against Daily News were dismissed, however, because of being laid too late.

Although the period of intense media attention of 1999–2000 had disastrous effects on the temple, the temple still continued to organize projects, ceremonies and other events. The temple promoted laypeople nationwide to open their homes or workplaces as kalyanamitta homes ('houses of good Dhamma friends'), for establishing a culture of shared meditation practice and wisdom. In 2000, During a celebration of the new millennium at the newly built Dhammakaya Cetiya, 300,000 people joined. Many monks from different temples of Thailand joined as well, and temples and NGOs from outside of Thailand. This period also brought Boonchai Bencharongkul to the temple, then CEO of the telecommunications company DTAC. In 1999, the temple had thirteen centers outside of Thailand.

When in 2000 the Thai Maharat Party was founded, it was suspected the temple had a hand in it. Founder Kanin Boonsuwan denied the temple's influence in the founding, however, although he admitted some of its members were Dhammakaya practitioners.

In 2000, Maechi Chandra Konnokyoong died. The temple announced it would give people the time to pay their respects for several months, after which Maechi Chandra's remains would be cremated.

Nationwide activities (2001–2006)

The period of 2001 to 2006 was the period that Thaksin Shinawatra came into power. It was a period of increased democratization and diversification of civil society in Thailand, as the Thai parliament withdrew itself from religious affairs. The temple thrived on this, though the temple did work on similar objectives as the government in terms of education, health care and even national security. The temple was no longer at the margins of the religious landscape in Thailand, but started to integrate itself within the Maha Nikaya fraternity. It was the period the temple cremated their teacher Maechi Chandra, and it was a period that the temple started to expand its activities to a national scale.

Cremation of Maechi Chandra Konnokyoong

On 3 February 2002, Maechi Chandra's remains were cremated, and abbots of 30,000 temples were invited to join the cremation, to give the lay people the chance to make merit in gratitude to Maechi Chandra. During the cremation, there was merit-making and meditation. 100,000 monks and another 100,000 laypeople joined the cremation. Many high-standing guests joined, including the Supreme Patriarch of Cambodia. Maechi Chandra's remains were burnt in a grand ceremony, using glass to ignite the fire by sun light. Her ashes were kept in a small stupa. Critics said the cremation was too grand for a nun, but the Religious Affairs Department said it was the temple's right to organize the event at this scale. Scott cites Maechi Chandra's cremation as evidence that some female religious leaders have had a great impact on Thai society.

Campaigns against drinking and smoking

In the 2000s, the temple began to focus more on promoting an ethical lifestyle, using the five and eight precepts as a foundation. Nationwide people were encouraged to quit drinking and smoking through a campaign called The Lao Phao Buri (Thai: เทเหล้าเผาบูหรี่, literally: 'throw away alcohol and burn cigarettes'), cooperating with other religious traditions. This project led the World Health Organization (WHO) to present a World No Tobacco Day award to Luang Por Dhammajayo on 31 May 2004. Over two hundred The Lao Phao Buri ceremonies were held, involving literally the pouring away of alcoholic beverages and the burning of cigarettes. The ceremonies were later to become a model of practice in schools and government institutions. The temple's campaign was carried to new heights when in 2005 the beverage company Thai Beverage announced to publicly list in the Stock Exchange of Thailand, which would be the biggest listing in Thai history. Despite attempts by the National Office of Buddhism (a government agency) to prohibit monks from protesting, two thousand monks of the temple organized a chanting of Buddhist texts in front of the Stock Exchange to pressurize them to decline Thai Beverage's initial public offering. In an unprecedented cooperative effort, the temple was soon followed suit by former Black May revolt leader Chamlong Srimuang and the Santi Asoke movement, holding their protest as well. Subsequently, another 122 religious and social organizations joined, belonging to several religions. The organizations officially asked Prime Minister Thaksin's cooperation to stop the company, in what some of the protest leaders described as "a grave threat to the health and culture" of Thai society. While the Stock Exchange pointed out the economical benefits of this first local listing, opponents referred to rising alcohol abuse in Thai society, ranking fifth in alcohol consumption. Ultimately, the protests led to an indefinite postponement of the listing by the Stock Exchange, as Thai Beverage chose to list in Singapore instead, and the Stock Exchange chief resigned because of the loss of profit.

International meditation and the tsunami memorials

The temple broadened its activities to a more national scope. The temple started its own satellite channel called Dhammakaya Media Channel (DMC), and a university that supports distance learning. The temple started to use this satellite channel to broadcast live events to branch centers, such as guided meditations. Wat Phra Dhammakaya started to develop a more international approach to its teachings, teaching meditation in not-Buddhist countries as a religiously neutral technique suitable for those of all faiths, or none. An international Dhammadayada program was also started, held in Chinese and English, and the temple started to organize retreats in English language in Thailand and abroad. Later on, guided meditations were also held online, in different languages.

In 2004, Wat Phra Dhammakaya made headlines when it offered aid to victims of the 2004 tsunami disaster in Thailand, through charity and by organizing inter-faith memorial services for the victims in Phang Nga and Phuket. The temple acted as an intermediary in the coordination between the government and NGOs.

The Path of Progress contest started to expand (as of 2006, 19,839 schools, according to the temple) and a number of schools in other countries started to compete in their knowledge of Buddhist ethics as well.

Charges withdrawn

In 2006, the running lawsuits ended when the Attorney-General withdrew the charges against Luang Por Dhammajayo. He stated that Luang Por Dhammajayo had moved all the land to the name of the temple, that he had corrected his teachings according to the Tipitaka, that continuing the case might create division in society, and would not be conducive to public benefit. Furthermore, Luang Por Dhammajayo had assisted the Sangha, the government and the private sector significantly in organizing religious activities. Luang Por Dhammajayo's position as an abbot was subsequently restored. Critics questioned whether the charges were withdrawn because of the political influence of Prime Minister Thaksin.

When PM Thaksin was in power, the temple was often accused of having close ties to him, influencing his policies. The temple has denied this, saying that all political parties are welcome in the temple. In 2006, before the charges were withdrawn, Wat Phra Dhammakaya hosted a meeting of 78,540 local administrators, led by PM Thaksin, themed Every religion working together for local development. The meeting was held as a form of inter-faith dialogue between Buddhists, Christians and Muslims, in which speakers of each religion explained their views on local economical and social development. Critics argued this was a political rally, but the government and the temple stated that the temple simply offered a venue which was hard to find elsewhere, and the temple did not take part in the actual event.

Although the temple did have similar methods as Thaksin to build a mass support base, and raise funds, the political connection with the Red Shirts was not so self-evident. In fact, some major supporters of the temple were publicly known as members of the Yellow Shirts political pressure group, which was strongly opposed to PM Thaksin. At least one Red-shirt leader has later come out to state that there is no link between Wat Phra Dhammakaya and the Red Shirt pressure group. Anthropologist Taylor believes the temple's involvement in political agendas was most intensive in the early period, but after that had become less, and in 2017 described the temple as "stoically politically neutral, aloof".

As of 2006, the community living at Wat Phra Dhammakaya numbered over a thousand monks and samaneras, and hundreds of laypeople. Apart from that, the temple also had two thousand volunteers for help in ceremonies. Though, just like most Thai temples, the temple had no formal sense of membership, congregations on Sundays and major religious holidays, such as Kathina or Magha Puja, were estimated at over a hundred thousand people. Worldwide, the temple's following was estimated at one million practitioners.

Educational and scholarly programs

From 2008 onward, the temple extended its youth activities to include a training course in Buddhist practice known as V-star, and a yearly national day of Buddhist activities. In the V-star course, children were encouraged to observe ten daily practices, among which paying respect to their parents, and chanting Buddhist texts before sleeping. Students were also encouraged to lead Kathina ceremonies in local temples. The point of these practices was to create good habits, fostered through a cooperation between parents, teachers and monks (Thai: บ้าน วัด โรงเรียน, shortened as บวร). On a yearly V-star day the children normally meditated and chanted, but also listened to Buddhist teachings, watched an exhibition and solved problems about those teachings. They confirmed their Buddhist faith through a refuge ceremony. The day closed by watching a 3D movie with a Buddhist theme. As of 2014, five thousand schools joined the program.

Together these programs were called the 'World Morality Revival' (Thai: ฟื้นฝู่ศิลธรรมโลก) project, using the slogan "knowledge combined with virtue". The project became noticeable quite soon, when former PM Thaksin Shinawatra and Deputy PM Somchai Wongsawat were guest speakers on the 2008 V-Star Day. To promote these programs further, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started cooperating extensively with the Ministry of Education, the temple's education department signing an MoU (Memorandum Of Understanding) with the Office of the Basic Education Commission (OBEC) in 2010. Shortly after signing the MoU, however, the Minister of Education asked a commission to review the programs mentioned in it. The ministry was criticized by a network of scholars, led by Sulak Sivaraksa, for being too personally involved with the temple. The contents of the proposed programs were also questioned. The minister issued a press release, stating the involvement was merely professional, but he would be careful as the project would become more concrete. As the plans evolved, it became clear the temple wanted to offer training programs to millions of youth through the entire country. Essential to the project was the idea that teachers would work more together to promote good morals in education. Criticism did not stop, however, and the program was brought to a halt, only to be revived by Yingluck Shinawatra's government. Three nationwide training programs were held in the period of 2010 to 2013. Programs involved meditation, Buddhist teaching and keeping eight precepts. The OBEC often defended the project, saying that nationwide many temples were involved in the project, not just Wat Phra Dhammakaya, as well as many organizations promoting Buddhist education.

Also, in this period, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started to invest more resources in its own education and scholarship. In 2009, Wat Phra Dhammakaya had the highest number of Pali (language of the Theravada Buddhist canon) graduates in the central area of Thailand. The temple continuously placed itself as one of the five highest in the country in Pali studies. In 2010, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started the Dhammachai Tipitaka Project, providing facilities for scholars worldwide to work together collecting ancient manuscripts, mostly from Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand, to make a critical edition of the Pali Canon, the Theravada Buddhist scriptures. This edition was to provide the technology and comparative data for scholars to come to a reconstruction of the Tipitaka texts as they were known in the fifth century CE, when they were first written down. There were over a hundred staff members working on the project worldwide, divided in manuscript reading teams. The work was reviewed by an international advisory board of scholars, including Rupert Gethin, Richard Gombrich and Oskar von Hinüber. A digital version of the Tipitaka was expected to be completed by 2028, but the first part was published in 2015. The project backfired, however, when Matichon and other Thai newspapers interpreted the project as an actual correcting or 'purification of the Tipitaka' (Thai: ชำระพระไตรปิฎก), as this was done in the historical Buddhist Councils. Wat Phra Dhammakaya denied this in a press statement, however. They said it was not their intention to rewrite the Pali Canon, and considered it unlikely that in the present day anyone could do so. Wat Phra Dhammakaya set up another research institute, located in Australia, called DIRI (Dhammachai International Research Institute). This institute promoted research on manuscripts of early Buddhism, and offered fellowships to that end.

In April 2007, while a government-appointed council was working on drafting a new constitution, a march of two thousand monks and lay people was held to press the council to include in the new constitution that Buddhism become the state religion of Thailand. It was widely understood that Wat Phra Dhammakaya supported the march. Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont stated, however, that such a clause was not feasible, as it would lead to rejection of the draft.

Propagation in the city

The temple also started to organize huge alms giving events around the country, including at important sites in Bangkok, such as shopping centers Siam Paragon and Central World, as well as in the area of Pratunam, some of which were joined by numbers of over twenty thousand monks. The alms giving events were held to help bring monks and lay people together, to revive the custom of alms giving, and as a dedication of merit to the victims of the insurgency in the Southern provinces. The profits from the alms giving events were used to support the temples and teachers in the South with aid and supplies. The events were the first mass gatherings which the junta had allowed since the 2006 coup d'état. In 2012, the alms events became more prominent when then Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra joined an event in person, as well as comedian Udom Taepanich.

In 2011, in Thailand's worst flooding for more than half-a-century, a great deal of Bangkok and its outskirts were inundated, including Patumthani, the area were Wat Phra Dhammakaya is located. Working together with the government, the temple deployed monastic and lay volunteers to bring a halt to the floods in the area, who had to work day and night to build walls using sandbags and pump out the water. At the same time, the temple offered shelter to evacuated workers from local factories, food, drinking water, transport and sandbags to local villagers, other affected temples and temples that also offered shelter.

From 2009 onwards, Wat Phra Dhammakaya expanded its temporary ordination program by making it nationwide. In this program, the participants were trained in thousands of temples spread over Thailand, but ordained simultaneously at Wat Phra Dhammakaya. Held in cooperation with the House of Representatives, the concept of the program was to reverse the trend of the number of monks in Thailand decreasing. The program was held twice a year, and the participants who decided to stay in the monkhood were encouraged to revive abandoned temples. In 2010, 10,685 monks joined the program. As part of the ordination programs, Wat Phra Dhammakaya started to organize pilgrimages passing important places in the life of Luang Pu Sodh. This was done through a procession by over a thousand monks through the areas of Central Thailand that were flooded before, while life-size images of Luang Pu Sodh were ceremonially brought to install in pilgrimage places. During the breaks between the walks, the monks spent their time meditating, chanting and making good wishes to those affected by the floods.

The pilgrimages were held with analogy to the traditional story of the Buddha ridding Vesali of illness and drought. On the way to Vesali, the Buddha's entire route had been decorated with flowers by King Bimbisara. As a re-enactment of this story, throughout the walks, laypeople spread self-picked flowers to pave a path for the monk-pilgrims. Controversially, the temple used the word dhutanga for the walks, as it did before with its retreats. Responses were varied. On the one hand, the pilgrimage caused many people to participate with enthusiasm in the activities organized. For example, managers of some companies let the entire workforce take leave to join the flower-spreading. Critics, however, said the dhutanga walks were causing traffic jams, and were not in accordance with traditional interpretations of dhutanga practice. The temple then defended the walks by stating that the monks joining actually took dhutanga vows, and by pointing out the spiritual benefits for the laypeople joining. Nevertheless, a senator asked the National Office of Buddhism to investigate the matter further. Initially, the National Office of Buddhism approved of the city pilgrimage, saying that it agreed with Buddhist ideas and helped the economy. Meanwhile, however, some news analysts speculated that the pilgrimages were meant to express loyalty to Somdet Chuang, the Supreme Patriarch to be. The appointment of the Supreme Patriarch was subject to rising disagreement, which fed the protesters' resentment. Still in 2015, however, the National Office of Buddhism told Wat Phra Dhammakaya to stop organizing the pilgrimage walks in Bangkok, and only organize them outside of Bangkok, citing the problem of the traffic jams. At the end of the year, when the criticism did not tune down, Wat Phra Dhammakaya announced to postpone organizing the pilgrimages indefinitely.

In 2010, during the Red Shirt protests, in an attempt to keep control of any initiatives opposing the junta, a number of monastic and academic organizations and people, among which Luang Por Dhammajayo, were put on a surveillance list by the Thai military. Duncan McCargo speculates that this information may have been deliberately leaked to the press as a form of threat to these organizations and people. Wat Phra Dhammakaya did not openly join any Red Shirt activities, but some leading members of pro-Thaksin parties were connected to the temple.

In 2012, the temple broadcast a talk of Luang Por Dhammajayo about what happened to Steve Jobs after his death. The talk came as a response to a software engineer of Apple who had sent a letter with questions to the abbot. Luang Por Dhammajayo described how Steve Jobs looked like in heaven. He said that Jobs had been reborn as a deva living close to his former offices, as a result of the karma of having given knowledge to people. The talk was much criticized, and the abbot was accused of pretending to have attained an advanced meditative state and of attempting to outshine other temples. The temple stated that the talk was meant to illustrate the law of karma, not to defame Jobs, nor to fake an advanced state.

As of 2010, Wat Phra Dhammakaya was the fastest growing temple of Thailand. As of 2015, the temple had twenty-eight centers in Thailand, and eighty centers outside of Thailand., in all continents, except for South-America. The ceremonies of the temple were often led by monks from the Supreme Sangha Council or other leading monks, and joined by high-ranking people from Thailand and other Buddhist countries. For major festivals, the number of practitioners reached 300,000 people.

Junta's reform council versus Sangha Council

After the 2014 coup d'état, several initiatives were started to bring change to Thai society, which the junta stated was necessary before elections could be held. Among these measures, a National Reform Council was founded and the religious committee of this council was led by Paiboon Nititawan, a former senator who had played a crucial role in the coup. Backed by the bureaucracy, military and Royal Palace, Paiboon sought to deal with any shortcomings in the leading Thai Sangha through judicial means. He was joined by Phra Suwit Dhiradhammo (known under the activist name Phra Buddha Issara), a monk and former infantryman who had assumed a main role in the coup as well. Finally, Mano Laohavanich, a former monk of Wat Phra Dhammakaya, also member of the reform council, joined the investigations.

To start with, Phra Suwit requested the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), a department modeled on the FBI, to start an investigation in the assets of the Sangha Council's members. This also included Somdet Chuang Varapuñño, who had been nominated by the council to become the next Supreme Patriarch per 5 January 2016. Phra Suwit objected against this nomination, and successfully held a petition to stop it.

In the meantime, in February 2015, Paiboon Nititawan tried to reopen the 1999 case of Luang Por Dhammajayo's alleged embezzlement of land. Somdet Chuang and the rest of the Sangha Council were also involved in this, as they were accused of being negligent in not defrocking Luang Por Dhammajayo. First, the Sangha Council reconsidered the embezzlement and fraud charges, but concluded that Luang Por Dhammajayo had not intended to commit fraud or embezzlement, and had already returned the land concerned; after that, Phra Suwit enlisted the help of the Ombudsman, who asked the General-Attorney and the National Office of Buddhism to reconsider the criminal law case of embezzlement.

These investigations, however, did not go without response. In February 2016, on Magha Puja, a protest was held by over a thousand Thai monks in the Phutthamonthon Park, as a response to this involvement by the junta. The protest was organized by the Buddhist Protection Center of Thailand, a Red Shirt-oriented network. The protesters demanded that the Thai junta not interfere with the Sangha's affairs, in particular the appointment of the next Supreme Patriarch. After the junta responded by sending soldiers to control the site, the protest ended, but the monks announced they would repeat their protests again if their demands were not met. Wat Phra Dhammakays's involvement was implied by the media. The temple denied organizing the protests, but did not disagree with them either. At this point, the charges laid by Paiboon and Phra Suwit against the temple were by many interpreted as a way to discredit Somdet Chuang. Somdet Chuang had been abbot of Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen and preceptor (Pali: upajjhaya; person who ordained him) of Luang Por Dhammajayo during the latter's first years at Wat Paknam. Moreover, several Thai intellectuals and news analysts stated that Paiboon, Phra Suwit and Mano were abusing the Vinaya (monastic discipline) for political ends, and did not really aim to "purify" Buddhism.

The investigations were widely reported in the press, but eventually junta leader Prayut Chan-o-cha intervened: the embezzlement case had already been closed in 2006 by the then Attorney-General and that was the end of it. Prayuth was afraid of the rising conflicts. He then dissolved the religious committee of the reform council. However, Paiboon, Phra Suwit and Mano continued to address the leading Sangha's shortcomings through judicial means. In the meantime, the DSI investigated further, and it was discovered that a used vintage car in Wat Paknam's museum had not been properly registered, allegedly to evade taxes. Somdet Chuang was charged with tax evasion by the DSI, and the accusations were reason enough for the government to further postpone the appointment. Fear of Phra Suwit Dhiradhammo and his ties to the army may have played a role in this stalling.

Klongchan controversy

On 29 October 2015, the DSI stated that Supachai Srisuppa-aksorn, then chairman of the Klongchan Credit Union Cooperative (KCUC), had fraudulently authorized 878 cheques worth 11.37 billion baht, in which a portion totaling more than a billion baht was traced to Wat Phra Dhammakaya. The problem had begun in April 2013, when it turned out that Supachai had borrowed too much money from the credit union for it to manage, and it had to freeze fifty thousand accounts, as well as postpone the payments to seventy-four creditors. The angered members held many protests and the credit union sued Supachai. The temple was implicated as well. In defense, spokespeople of Wat Phra Dhammakaya explained that Luang Por Dhammajayo was not aware that the donations were illegally obtained because the temple lacked the means to check for illegally obtained money.

In 2015, in a written agreement with the credit union, supporters of the temple had raised 684 million baht linked to Wat Phra Dhammakaya to donate to the KCUC to compensate their members. The money was donated under the condition that the credit union would withdraw the charges, and the money would be returned to the temple if Supachai's donations to the temple were later proven legal.

In the meantime, Supachai was convicted and jailed, but more charges of embezzlement and fraud were still under investigation. Another 370 million baht linked to the temple was discovered as the Anti-Money Laundering Office and DSI investigated further. Donors of the temple donated the remaining 370 million baht to the credit union as well, but apart from the problem of compensation to the credit union, the DSI suspected Luang Por Dhammajayo of having conspired in the embezzlement of Supachai. The department then investigated two charges: conspiring to launder money and receiving stolen goods. The charges were laid by an affected client of the credit union, who felt the money the temple returned had too many strings attached. The temple denied the charges of the department, stating that donations were received in the open in public, and that Supachai had only donated cheques, no cash. They further explained that the temple had a department for financial matters, in which Supachai had no part, and accused the DSI of double jeopardy.

Luang Por Dhammajayo was summoned to acknowledge the charges of ill-gotten gains and conspiring to money-laundering at the offices of the DSI. Spokespeople of the temple asked for postponement three times, however, the first time citing a busy schedule due to training programs, and after that the abbot's deep vein thrombosis. According to spokespeople, to travel to the DSI could mean a risk for Luang Por Dhammajayo's life. The temple requested the DSI to let him acknowledge his charges at the temple, a request the DSI refused. The DSI was skeptical of the temple's cited reasons and asked for a certificate from a physician, which the temple gave, but just as in 1999, discussions arose regarding the way the certification should be properly done. Moreover, the DSI concluded that Luang Por Dhammajayo was a flight risk and asked for an arrest warrant to take the abbot into custody. In the period the DSI issued an arrest warrant for the abbot, the temple was organizing a training program for women with thousands participants. Accused of organizing a human shield to prevent the DSI from entering, a spokesperson of the temple said that the only thing the temple would do to resist is "chanting and meditation".

In the meantime, news analysts, lawyers, current and former government officials of the Thai justice system, such as Seripisut Temiyavet, came out to state that the DSI was not handling the investigation of the temple with proper legal procedure. It was questioned why the DSI would not let the abbot acknowledge the charges at the temple, which many considered legitimate under criminal law. The DSI replied that they did not want to visit the abbot at the temple at this stage, because the temple was crowded with people, who could force the DSI to commit itself to additional conditions. A spokesperson of the temple also questioned why the DSI did not pursue lawsuits that were still running against Paiboon and Phra Suwit. Was the DSI biased because they received orders from someone not disclosed? The DSI had seen its independence questioned before, even by leading people within the department itself. In short, the temple's practitioners and spokespeople felt the charges were politically motivated, and had no confidence in the justice system under the junta. Moreover, they felt that if the former abbot would turn himself in, this would set a precedent for more baseless persecutions of other monks.

In June 2016, the DSI entered the temple to take Luang Por Dhammajayo in custody. After having searched for a while, a number of laypeople rose and barred the DSI from continuing their search. The DSI, avoiding a confrontation, withdrew. A temple official was seen giving a press statement that the abbot would surrender himself "as soon as the state has become a democracy", enabling a fair judicial process. Even though the statement was later downplayed by temple's spokespeople as not representing the temple's official opinion., former senator Paiboon pointed out it reflected the temple's autonomy from the state. In reflection, news analysts concluded that the DSI did not really have the intention to arrest Luang Por Dhammajayo, but was simply surveying the temple grounds, or "playing political theatre" (Otago Daily Times).

After the standoff had taken place, tensions in social media rose, and the attorney-general stated that DSI should complete its investigations first, before further action could be taken. In the meantime, Luang Por Dhammajayo was ordered by a senior monk to step down as abbot temporarily, after Phra Suwit Dhiradhammo filed a request for suspension, citing Luang Por Dhammajayo's illness. It turned out, however, that Luang Por Dhammajayo had stepped down since 2011, but this was not widely known. It was then announced in the media that Luang Por Dattajivo was the acting abbot. In December, however, Phravitetbhavanacharn was appointed instead.

Junta's lockdown

When it turned out that the prosecutors were slow to continue the Klongchan lawsuit with regard to Luang Por Dhammajayo, the DSI and several other police departments started to press charges on other people related to the temple. To further pressurize Luang Por Dhammajayo, the DSI also expanded its focus to branch centers of Wat Phra Dhammakaya. Branch centers in Nakhon Ratchasima, Chiangmai, Kanchanaburi, Loei, and Tak were investigated and charged with encroaching on nature reserves. On 21 November, this finally led to another two arrest warrants, totaling three, and plans were made by the Thai police, and the DSI to take Luang Por Dhammajayo into custody, through force if required.

A deal was proposed that if Luang Por Dhammajayo surrender he would not be incarcerated and subsequently defrocked. Although the DSI agreed with such a guarantee at first, they later stated they could not give it because it was the jurisdiction of the court to decide on this. News analysts speculated that Thai law enforcement had not been able to arrest the abbot successfully, because of the complexity of the temple's terrains, the flexibility and amount of practitioners, and the imminent danger of a violent clash. Another reason brought up by news analysts was the Thai junta's concern for potential international backlash that may be generated from Wat Phra Dhammakaya's numerous international centers. In fact, international followers had already petitioned the White House and met with US Congressmen regarding the case. During the standoff, temple officials still affirmed that they were willing to cooperate with law enforcement, their only request being that the DSI give Luang Por Dhammajayo his charges at the temple due to his health. However, the police applied the method of "trimming the tree" by issuing hundreds of fines about gates, bridges, and other parts of the temple, to gradually get more control over the temple. As of February 2017, the Thai junta has laid over three hundred different charges against the temple and the foundation, including alleged forest encroachment and allegedly building the Ubosot illegally in the 1970s. While law enforcement was under growing pressure to get the job done, criticism against the operation grew as well, news reporters comparing the temple with Falun Gong in China or the Gulen Movement from Turkey.

Meanwhile, the temple started a project to encourage people to chant the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, traditionally regarded as the first teaching of the Buddha. However, the activities at the temple were interpreted as methods to block law-enforcing officers from entering the terrain. On 9 December 2016, the television channel of the temple was therefore closed down to prevent the temple from further mobilizing supporters. In February 2017, four days after the appointment of the new Supreme Patriarch with no connections to the temple, junta leader Prayuth announced a special decree following the controversial Section 44 of the interim constitution. The section gave a carte blanche to law-enforcing authorities to get Luang Por Dhammajayo into custody through a wide range of means. The decree included heavy penalties against any person obstructing the arrest, and declaring the temple a restricted zone, which no-one could access or leave without the authorities' permission. A 4000-man combined task force of the DSI, police and army surrounded the temple and started to search every corner of the terrains. The temple showed little resistance. After two days, the task force reached the residence where the former abbot stayed, only to find it empty. Despite having searched every room and building in the temple, the authorities did not withdraw and ordered all non-residents of the temple to leave. Tensions increased, and though the temple staff was unarmed, they managed to push through the task force and a deal was brokered to allow lay people to come in the temple. On 22 February, an official negotiation followed, the DSI still pushing to remove all non-residents from the temple. But the temple stated they had given enough lenience and pointed out that the task force had completed their search. In the meantime, the junta government stated they did not only look for Luang Por Dhammajayo, but also intended to reform the temple. This raised questions, and a critical national debate started as to what a "real temple" and "real Buddhism" should look like.

The junta further increased its control on the temple by having the mobile signal in the temple area shut off, by barring reporters from entering the temple and by censoring and blocking a broadcast from Al Jazeera in Thailand. Criticism of the operation further increased when one man committed suicide and one asthma patient died during the operation. On 10 March 2017, a deal was made allowing authorities to search the temple once again on the condition that representatives of the Thai Human Rights Commission and news reporters were allowed to witness the search. Once again, authorities were not able to find the abbot, resulting in the junta ending the three-week occupation of the temple. However, section 44 still remained in effect, allowing the authorities to resume action against the temple at any time.

The lockdown resulted in a heated debate about section 44. The section was raised as an example of the junta's illegitimacy and unjust means, by the temple and many other critics. While proponents pointed out that all would be finished if Luang Por Dhammajayo only gave himself over to acknowledge the charges, critics pointed out that Luang Por Dhammajayo would be imprisoned and defrocked if brought into custody. News reporters have compared the temple's resistance with the Burmese Saffron Revolution in 2007, some reporters expecting defeat soon, others a new opposition movement. Many reporters have also questioned the practicality of using section 44 and many resources to arrest one person for acknowledging a charge of a non-violent crime. It has been pointed out that it is more viable to try Luang Por Dhammajayo in absentia to determine guilt first.

A few days before the lockdown was brought to a halt, it was announced in the Royal Thai Government Gazette that Luang Por Dhammajayo had been removed from his honorific title Phrathepyanmahamuni, because of the accusations he was charged with. The junta stated that after this announcement, they could and would immediately defrock Luang Por Dhammajayo if they would find him.

Aftermath

Following the end of the lockdown of the temple, the junta stated authorities will look for Luang Por Dhammajayo elsewhere. However investigations against the temple continued. Just days after the end of the lockdown, additional charges were filed against Wat Phra Dhammakaya, this time against the deputy abbot, Luang Por Dattajivo, for allegedly using the Klongchan Credit Union money to buy stocks and illegal land, something the temple dubbed "fake news". Some Thai news outlets, such as Khao Sod, became critical of the new charges, stating that weeks after the accusations were made neither the junta nor DSI have produced any form of evidence supporting the alleged trading of stocks, describing the accusations as "a new invention, followed by silence".

The junta also claimed that a stockpile of out-of-date military grade weapons found at the house of on-the-run Red Shirt leader Wuthipong Kochathamakun was also linked to the temple. Kochathamakun denied this, claiming the weapons were planted at his house by the junta and stating he had no affiliation with Wat Phra Dhammakaya in the first place.

With both Wat Phra Dhammakaya's honorary and deputy abbot under investigation, the junta has pushed for a replacement abbot for the temple, with the junta appointed director of the National Office of Buddhism calling for an outsider to be appointed the temple's abbot. The director stated this was necessary for investigating the temple's assets and defrocking Luang Por Dhammajayo. The junta has stated it was also necessary to take over the temple because it is a "threat to national security".

General analysis of controversies

Wat Phra Dhammakaya has been subject to considerable controversy, changing in nature throughout Thailand's recent history, e.g. in the 1970s being accused of communist sympathies, but in the 1990s of capitalism. The "pervasiveness and longevity" (Scott) of controversies surrounding Wat Phra Dhammakaya have been subject of speculation by scholars and news analysts. Since the junta's crackdown of the temple in 2016 and 2017, the question has once more been raised as to why the state is that strongly opposed to the temple, because the legal problems do not seem to warrant it.

Some scholars believe that the controversies reflect a general criticism of Thai Buddhism as a whole, which started against the backdrop of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, as the commercializing of Buddhism became the most controversial religious problem in Thailand. Indeed, the crisis stirred up a widespread questioning of Thailand's social and political structures. It has also been pointed out that the problems with Wat Phra Dhammakaya formed a distraction for the more serious issues politicians had to deal with, both in 1999 and during the Klongchan controversy.

Scott analyzes the criticism of the temple's methods of propagating according to Kao's categories of "anti-proselytization". She concludes that criticism on Wat Phra Dhammakaya can mostly be categorized as "anti-proselytization of targets and means" and "anti-proselytization of group protection". "Anti-proselytization of targets and means" refers to the criticism that a religious organization uses material rewards to persuade someone to believe something, whereas "anti-proselytization of group protection" refers to the tendency to regard a religious organization's propagation as an attack on the beliefs of the collective community. It has been pointed out that in Thai society many people might be afraid that Wat Phra Dhammakaya would exert too much influence in the Sangha, or take over the Sangha.

Scott has shown that criticism against Wat Phra Dhammakaya, its fundraising practices and teachings on merit-making, partly reflect historical changes in Thai society with regard to wealth and merit-making. The relation between giving and wealth is ubiquitous in vernacular Pāli literature, and many stories of exemplary donors exist, such as the stories of the bankers Anāthapiṇḍika and Jōtika. The association of wealth with merits done has deeply affected many Buddhist countries. At the beginning of the twentieth century, however, perspectives of merit-making had changed in traditional Buddhist societies, as merit-making was being associated with capitalism and consumerism, which had been rising in South and Southeast Asia. Modern Thai Buddhism became to be associated with the traditional village life and a sole rejection of material wealth, as partly reflected in King Bhumibol's sufficiency economy philosophy. Also, in some Buddhist countries, such as Thailand, there is a tendency among teachers and practitioners to dismiss and even revile merit-making in favor of teachings about detachment and attaining Nirvana, for which Cousins has coined the term ultimatism.

Another thing scholars have pointed out is the awkward timing of the PR of the temple, which may have stirred criticism in Thai society. As an example Scott mentions the strong and persistent fundraising that was done after the miracle event had taken place, which was in the middle of the Asian economic crisis. Indeed, Luang Por Dhammajayo himself has stated in an interview that bad PR may have been a weakness of the temple.

With regard to the Klongchan controversy and the resulting crackdown, news analysts have described that the actions of the Thai junta towards the temple reflected a political need to control who should be selected as the next Supreme Patriarch. Formerly the main candidate, Somdet Chuang Varapuñño, was Luang Phor Dhammajayo's preceptor. In fact, Somdet Chuang had already been nominated by the Sangha Supreme Council, but the appointment was postponed and eventually withdrawn, as another candidate of the Dhammayuttika fraternity was appointed. Selecting Somdet Chuang would have meant a Supreme Patriarch from the Maha Nikaya fraternity, rather than the Dhammayuttika fraternity, which historically had been the preferred choice by the Thai government and the monarchy. In addition, since the period that Thaksin Shinawatra was still in power, Wat Phra Dhammakaya had been associated with Thaksin, and subsequently, his Red Shirt pressure group which opposes the junta. Finally, King Bhumibol's illness and death created a power vacuum, thus further increasing the political tensions.

One spokesperson of the temple has pointed out that the temple is easily seen as a threat during politically tense periods, and that the political Yellow–Red divide puts the temple in the middle of the tensions. Since the junta was not a democratically chosen government, it was important for them to legitimize themselves by seeking the moral high ground and pointing out moral failures of their political opponents, especially those associated with Thaksin. But more material motivations may also be involved. Critics and scholars have speculated that the junta may be trying to seize the temple and confiscate its famed wealth. Indeed, the temple has often been described as the only influential organization that has not been subdued by the ruling junta since the 2014 coup d'état. The junta's move against the temple has been backed by the palace as well, as is shown by its agreeing to the removal of the abbot's monastic titles. In listing the reasons why the junta is opposed to the temple, Taylor notes that the temple has not donated much to the palace.

The Phuttamonthon protesters drew comparisons between Somdet Chuang's postponed appointment and criticism, and that of Phra Phimontham, a governing monk charged with cooperation with communist insurgents during the Cold War. The latter was jailed and defrocked, but after four years a military court decided he had been innocent all along. Proponents of Wat Phra Dhammakaya also referred to Phra Phimontham's case to explain why Luang Por Dhammajayo did not go to acknowledge the charges in 1999, and again in 2016.

Despite its many opponents, Wat Phra Dhammakaya is generally seen by pro-democracy Thai intellectuals as a symbol of religious pluralism that has managed to survive. Following a similar reasoning, McCargo has posed the question of why conservative Thai scholars have not considered the freedom of religion argument very much in the case of Wat Phra Dhammakaya, and believes that with the current attitudes in the Thai government and Sangha, little religious diversity is tolerated. Several Thai scholars have pointed out that the increasing entanglement of state and religion in Thai society has helped to create the controversies of Wat Phra Dhammakaya, as the temple relies heavily on the Supreme Sangha Council's authority in its activities. Since the Sangha Council is part of the Thai government, critics are afraid the influential temple might over the state. If state and religion were more separated in Thailand, problems such as with Wat Phra Dhammakaya could be more easily solved by the Sangha itself, without any state interference and with increased transparency.

General

Wat Phra Dhammakaya refers to traditional pro-establishment Buddhist values, but teaches those values using modern, according to some, modernist methods, which has been a source of controversy. For these reasons, Wat Phra Dhammakaya has been compared to Taiwanese new religious movements. The particular focus on the Dhammakaya meditation method and the active, modern propagation practices of Wat Phra Dhammakaya (Thai: เผยแผ่เชิงรุก) make the temple stand out from mainstream Thai Buddhism, though it is not defiant of it. The temple has put in great efforts to remain part of the main Maha Nikaya fraternity and makes it a point to often demonstrate their loyalty, and offer assistance to the Thai royal family and the leading monks of the Thai Sangha. The combination of the traditional and the modern can also be found in the temple's teachings, in which intellectual Buddhism and Thai folk religion meet.

Wat Phra Dhammakaya attaches great importance to its lineage of teachers, starting from Luang Pu Sodh Candasaro, who then passed on his experience to Maechi Chandra Khonnokyoong, who in her turn passed it on to Luang Por Dhammajayo. In the PR and media of the temple the teachers are much emphasized as an inseparable part of the temple's tradition, from which the temple gains its authenticity.

Wat Phra Dhammakaya attempts to revive the local temple's role as a spiritual community center, but does so within a format that is meant to fit with modern society and customs. According to the temple's active propagation philosophy, in the present day and age people will not come to the Buddhist temple anymore, because the temple is no longer the center of community life. The temple therefore must seek out the laypeople in society in an active way, so as to promote virtue both in the temple and at home and school. In this active propagation philosophy, if it would be possible to introduce Buddhism and Vijja Dhammakaya to every person in the world, they would do so. An important part of this active propagation style is the role of the layperson. The temple has been noted for its emphasis on lay participation.

The propagation of the temple has been analyzed from three scholarly approaches. The earliest analyses of the temple were done by Thai (former) monastics and intellectuals, who criticized the temple for the content of its teachings. These scholars described the temple's teachings as "distorted" from "original" Theravada Buddhism, and depicted the temple as using these teachings for profit and power. Scott and Buaban point out the modernist perspective in this approach, as it emphasizes a deviation from a rational, idealist and universal Buddhism, that is unaffected by local customs and traditions. The second group of scholars were anthropologists and sociologists, both Thai and non-Thai, who mostly studied the question why the temple had been so effective in its propagation. Most scholars in this group emphasized the popularity of the temple among middle-class Thai from the cities, and the ability of the temple to appeal to middle class attitudes and use modern technology. The third group are Thai scholars who believe that Thailand should become a secular state with no state intervention in religion. These scholars downplay the true Buddhism–false Buddhism dichotomy, and believe that Wat Phra Dhammakaya should be given freedom in propagating its views, as long as they do not infringe on human rights.

Dhammakaya meditation

The temple is known for its emphasis on meditation. Central to the temple and the Dhammakaya movement is the idea that Dhammakaya meditation was the method through which the Buddha became enlightened, a method which was forgotten but has been revived by Luang Pu Sodh Candasaro. This method is also called Vijja Dhammakaya. According to the tradition, the principles of Dhammakaya meditation were discovered by Luang Pu Sodh Candasaro on the full-moon night of September 1916 at Wat ฺBotbon, Bangkuvieng, Nonthaburi. Essential to the meditation method is the center of the body: whatever technique someone might use to meditate, the mind can only attain to a higher level through this center, which Luang Por Sodh precisely describes. This center is also believed to play a fundamental role in the birth and death of an individual.

As with many forms of Buddhist meditation, Dhammakaya meditation has both samatha and vipassana stages. The process of concentration in Dhammakaya meditation correlates with the description of samatha meditation in the Visuddhimagga, specifically kasina meditation. Luang Pu Sodh usually explained the process of attainment in the method in terms of inner bodies (Pali: kaya), existing within every human being. These are successively more subtle, and come in pairs. Dhammakaya meditation at the higher levels is also described to bring forth abhinna, mental powers that can be used for the benefit of society at large. Publications from Wat Phra Dhammakaya describe that Dhammakaya meditation was used during the Second World War to prevent Thailand from being bombed, and used to extinguish the negative forces in the cosmos (Mara). This final aspect has strongly affected the attitudes of practitioners at the temple, who therefore hold that Dhammakaya meditation is not only important for the individual, but also for the cosmos at large.

It is Dhammakaya meditation what makes the movement stand out from other forms of Theravada Buddhism, as the movement believes that all meditation methods lead to the attainment of the Dhammakaya, and this state is the only way to Nirvana. According to the Dhammakaya Movement, the Buddha made the discovery that Nirvana is nothing less than the true Self, the Dhammakaya, a spiritual essence. The Movement believes that this essence of the Buddha and Nirvana exist as a literal reality within each individual. The not-self teaching is considered the method to let go of what is not the self, to attain this true self. The bulk of Thai Theravada Buddhism rejects this teaching and insists upon not-self as a universal fact. In particular, Luang Por Payutto has written much to oppose the views of the Dhammakaya Movement. The Dhammakaya Movement has responded in different ways to the debate of self and not-self. Wat Phra Dhammakaya's assistant-abbot Luang phi Thanavuddho wrote a book about the topic in response to critics, but the temple generally seems not much interested in the discussion. Followers are more concerned how Dhammakaya meditation improves their mind.

The temple often uses positive terms to describe Nirvana. Apart from the true self, Scott notes that Wat Phra Dhammakaya often describes Nirvana as being the supreme happiness, and argues that this may explain why the practice of Dhammakaya meditation is so popular. In its teachings on how meditation can help improve health and the quality of modern life, the temple can be compared with Goenka. The temple's emphasis on meditation is expressed in several ways. Meditation kits are for sale in stores around the temple, and every gathering that is organized by the temple will feature some time for meditation. The temple emphasizes the usefulness of meditating in a group, and public meditations have a powerful effect on the minds of the temple's practitioners.

Cleanliness and order

Luang Por Dhammajayo was heavily influenced by Maechi Chandra Khonnokyoong in his teachings. He turned the Dhammakaya meditation method "into an entire guide of living" (McDaniel), emphasizing cleanliness, orderliness and quiet, as a morality by itself, and as a way to support meditation practice. In Taylor's words, the temple "eschews disorder". In Wat Phra Dhammakaya, ceremonies are commonly held on Sundays rather than the traditional lunar calendar-based Uposatha days. Free buses drive to the temple. Lay people joining the ceremonies are strongly encouraged to wear white, a traditional custom. No smoking, drinking or flirting is allowed on the temple terrain, nor newspapers, animals or fortune-telling. Traditional, noisy temple fairs are not held. Children attending activities at Wat Phra Dhammakaya are taken care of through Sunday school and crèche while their parents attend the adult meditation sessions in the Great Sapha Dhammakaya Hall. There are activities for children and young people: people of all ages attend activities. Moreover, the temple teaches regularly about traditional Thai manners, explained as the heart of being Thai. In short, the temple's appearance is orderly, and can be described as "a contemporary aesthetic" (Scott), which appeals to practitioners, especially the modern Bangkok middle class. Practitioners are also encouraged to keep things tidy and clean, through organized cleaning activities. A strong work ethic is promoted through these activities, in which the most menial work is seen as the most valuable and fruitful. The temple's emphasis on discipline and order is expressed in its huge and detailed ceremonies.

Merit-making, parami's and self-development

Wat Phra Dhammakaya has a vision of a future ideal society. The temple emphasizes that the daily application of Buddhism will lead the practitioner and society to prosperity and happiness in this life and the next, and the temple expects a high commitment to that effect. Through meditation, fundraising activities and volunteer work, the temple emphasizes the making of merit, and explains how through the law of kamma merit yields its fruits, in this world and the next. The clarity of such explanations are appreciated: in surveys, one major reason for joining the temple's activities is the structure and clarity of the teachings. Leading donors are publicly recognized as examples, and donor groups are credited by certain titles. Donors are typically very joyful about their generosity, but critics have described this emphasis on merit-making and its fruits as religious consumerism or capitalism. In 1988, Kukrit Pramoj, a former Thai prime minister known for his religious debates with Luang Por Buddhadasa and Santi Asoke, questioned "whether the temple is offering spirituality or religious pleasure comparable to that of recreation clubs and fishing parks?" Wat Phra Dhammakaya responded by saying that it is empowering lay people to engage with, rather than renounce the world they live in, through moral and meditation training. In its PR and teachings, the temple points out how all sorts of problems in work or family life can be solved through meditation and making merit. Former PM Kukrit's criticism is echoed in Fuengfusakul's studies, in which she compares the merit-making at Wat Phra Dhammakaya with the marketing of a product, pointing out how the temple makes merit-making very convenient and pleasant. But the temple feels that providing such convenience is part of what the Buddha taught. The temple does not see this as compromising the sacred element of Buddhism, but rather as amplifying it. The temple teaches that a temple must be 'suitable' (Pali: sappaya) for spiritual practice, a term also referred to in Wat Paknam. On a similar note, the temple has also been described a prosperity movement, because the temple teaches how giving leads to wealth, and the temple is not critical of pursuing both. Indeed, Wat Phra Dhammakaya's practitioners believe that pursuing wealth does not necessarily lead to attachment and may even help develop meditation attainment, provided wealth is used for generosity. The ideal of giving as a form of building character is expressed in the temple's culture with the words Cittam me, meaning 'I am victorious', referring to the overcoming of inner defilements (Pali: kilesa).

Merit-making or doing good deeds as a way to overcome inner defilements, is further expressed through the concept of parami. Parami is a term mentioned in later canonical and post-canonical Buddhist literature, and is usually translated as 'completeness, perfection, highest state'. Such perfection comes as a result of practicing ten principal virtues, usually by bodhisattas (somebody striving for Buddhahood). According to the temple, Paramis are formed when people do merits consistently, and these merits become 'concentrated' (Thai: กลั่นตัว) through the passage of time. This happens when people dedicate their lives to merit-making. Wat Phra Dhammakaya does not consider paramis solely the domain of Buddhas-to-be however, but as necessary for everyone aiming for the Buddhist goal of release from suffering. There are traditionally ten paramis, that is, giving, morality, renunciation, wisdom, effort, patience, truth, resolute determination, loving-kindness and equanimity. All of these can be practiced through the three practices of giving, morality and mental development, which includes mostly meditation. The practice of giving and merit-making in Wat Phra Dhammakaya's perspective is therefore a practice of self-training and self-sacrifice, in which merit is dependent on intention, not merely the amount donated.

To explain the importance of self-transformation, Wat Phra Dhammakaya often refers to the Mangala Sutta, a Buddhist sutta (discourse) that emphasizes ethics. The ethics contests the temple has been organizing throughout the country since its early years, are heavily based on this sutta. Also, the temple often refers to traditional narratives from the Tipitaka regarding exemplary donors and the fruits that merit-making yields. The emphasis on individual ethics is also expressed in the temple's view on society: the temple emphasizes strengthening the individual's morality more than changing the system of society, and measures the welfare of the state by the virtue of its citizens. Field research also confirms that the temple's practitioners believe the individual's lack of virtue to be the main reason for current economic problems. Indeed, every year Earth Day is celebrated in the temple, on which the motto of the temple "Clean the world, clean the mind" is brought forward, stating that the environment will only improve if we start working on clearing up our own minds.

Spiritual friendship

Participants in the temple's activities report that the temple feels like a family. According to Taylor, the temple's success may be partly explained by the flexible social structure of the temple, allowing for openness to newcomers. The temple organizes its followers into groups with certain interests. The temple's lifestyle promotes good family values and emphasizes a network of like-minded friends to facilitate spiritual development. Wat Phra Dhammakaya encourages people to persuade others to make merit, because such persuasion is in itself considered a merit. In activities of the temple, even on retreats, ample opportunity is therefore given for socializing and spiritual friendship. In teachings of the temple, practitioners are encouraged to set up kalyanamitta homes ('homes of good spiritual friends') to meditate together with friends and family, and practitioners are trained to take on leading roles. Wat Phra Dhammakaya makes it a point that homes, temples and schools should unite in creating responsible members of society, and organizes programs to that effect. Communities of kalyanamittas also have an exemplary effect, according to the temple. One of the reasons why the temple emphasizes huge gatherings during ceremonies, as stated in the temple's literature, is that such gatherings will effect that "people of the world will stop, think and ask themselves why so many people have gathered in one place to meditate.(...) and they will strive to find the answer for themselves.".

Wat Phra Dhammakaya very much emphasizes respect for one's seniors and people in higher rank. This holds for lay people towards monks, but also amongst lay people. Qualities such as being easy to advise, being humble, being soft-spoken and so on, are encouraged and promoted through the temple's activities and teachings. Such qualities are also connected to accomplishment in meditation practice. Fuengfusakul speculates that the culture of respect of Wat Phra Dhammakaya has its roots in the seniority system of Kasetsart University, from which the first generation of the temple's monks were mostly graduated. Kasetsart was one of the first universities where the Buddhist student society was revived and promoted by the temple, and Buddhist societies at many other universities followed the model of the Kasetsart Buddhist society. Indeed, one of the main activities at the Buddhist societies led by the temple is the revival of the custom of Wai Khru, a ceremony for students to express gratitude and respect to their teacher. Alma mater traditions aside, Litalien speculates that Wat Phra Dhammakaya's emphasis on respect for hierarchy and seniority comes from the conviction that position and status are gained by merit-making and karma.

Thi Sut Haeng Tham

Wat Phra Dhammakaya's teachings on merit-making, morality and meditation are not only considered to bring about individual happiness and world peace, but also serve a higher aim. The temple teaches that the ultimate purpose of one's life is to develop paramis on the path of the bodhisattas. The temple's practitioners aim for Buddhahood, but call this aim Thi Sut Haeng Tham (Thai: ที่สุดแห่งธรรม), literally 'the utmost of Dhamma'. This goal is described as helping to bring all living beings to Nirvana, which requires an utmost effort. In this context parami is also defined as a habit to put one's life on the line to develop goodness.

The miraculous

Although Wat Phra Dhammakaya does not involve itself in traditional magical rituals, fortune telling and giving lottery numbers, it doesn't oppose everything that is miraculous. In the biographies of Luang Pu Sodh and Maechi Chandra, the temple often relates of miraculous events relating to the meditation prowess of these two masters, thereby establishing the value of the lineage. Mackenzie points out that not everyone who comes to the temple is interested in the miraculous, but it is nevertheless a part of the temple's appeal: "Some members especially appreciate the logic and relevance of the Dhamma talks, others draw much from the effect the cetiya and other buildings have on them, others place a special value on meeting their friends and clearly many have a very strong focus on meditation. I have also met members who look to experience the miraculous at the temple..." On a similar note, practitioners believe that meditation not only calms the mind, but also has a miraculous effect on the outside world, especially the meditations every first Sunday of the month.(See § Other activities, above.) Fuengfusakul points out, however, that the temple tends to downplay the gap between the miraculous and the rational or scientific, and draws on science to explain the miraculous or psychic.

Organization structure

Wat Phra Dhammakaya is legally presented by the Dhammakaya Foundation, described as the modern equivalent of the traditional 'temple committee' (Thai: กรรมการวัด). Founded in 1970 under the name Prasit Foundation, the foundation was in 1985 renamed the Dhammakaya Foundation. Later, a second foundation was founded to finance the worldwide activities of the temple, the Khun Yai Ajan Maharatana Khonnokyoong Foundation.

The Dhammakaya foundation has a complex organization structure, and is more formalized than traditional Thai temples. It is managed like a modern organization. Despite its modern methods, the temple adheres highly to a traditional hierarchy, and Luang Por Dhammajayo as a leader. He is both the abbot of the temple as the president of the foundation, assisted by deputy-abbot and vice-president Luang Por Dattajivo. Thus, the foundation is intrinsically connected to the temple. There are several departments in the foundation that are run by assistant-abbots, who report to the abbot and deputy-abbot: a human resource center, a support center that helps with facilitating ceremonies, a department for maintenance, fundraising, education and propagation divisions. The responsibility for lay people is further subdivided in sixty-two groups. The personnel of the temple consists of monastics, full-time employees, workers and volunteers. Full-time employees will sometimes ordain after a while, but their ordination is different than that of males who ordain without having been an employee. Former employees usually take a vow for lifelong ordination in a special ceremony, and often have high coordinating positions as monks.

Among lay personnel, the full-time employees are expected to follow the eight precepts, behave orderly and spent their lives in the temple, without a paid job or residence outside the temple. Just like in the Dhammadayada training programs, full-time employees are trained thoroughly, including a probation period before being employed. They are not paid a full-fledged salary, but receive some money, as well as some welfare services. Full-time employees have an important role in the temple's active approach of spreading Buddhism: they complement monastics who have more limitations because of the Vinaya. They are also meant to be role models for the public at large. Wat Phra Dhammakaya is known for its relatively high-educated monastics and full-time lay personnel. A high percentage possesses a bachelor's degree.

In the 1980s, Wat Phra Dhammakaya was very centrally organized, which led to problems within the organization. From the early 1990s onward, the temple began to invite professional management and law consultants to develop its organisation processes, and decision-making was distributed downwards to supervisory committees.

Objectives

On its website, the foundation lists seven goals:

Another list of five objectives underlying the work of the foundation is sometimes also mentioned:

The objectives of the foundation are expressed through the slogan "World Peace through Inner Peace" in English, although in Thai language the motto "We are born to build up our parami's" is also used. Another motto is "Dhammakaya is the goal of life". The last two mottos are often combined in one sentence, in which the fulfillment of paramis is the path, and the attainment of the Dhammakaya at the highest level is the aim. This attainment is equated with Nirvana.

Layout of building complex

The general appearance of the temple is clean and orderly. The temple has many well-maintained gardens and greenery. Unusual in a Buddhist temple building in Thailand, buildings are functionalist with minimal ornamentation, which makes them look futuristically modern and global. But they are based on older tradition.

The temple's area is divided into three parts: the 'Buddha residence area' (Thai: เขตพุทธาวาส), including the Ubosot, and residence areas for monks; the 'Dhamma residence area' (Thai: เขตธรรมาวาส), including the areas for teaching and ceremonies that involve laypeople; and finally, the 'Sangha residence area' (Thai: เขตสังฆาวาส), including the areas for monastic ceremonies. Although many Thai temples divide their area in this fashion, Wat Phra Dhammakaya stands out in that it uses most of the space of the temple's grounds for the Dhamma residence area, providing enough room for the large masses of people that come to the temple's activities, and for the international community.

Older areas

In the older areas the following buildings are important:

The Dhammakaya Open University and the kutis (residences) for monks are also located in the older sections.

The World Dhammakaya Center

Since 1984, the number of people joining the ceremonies of the temple exceeded its capacity and prompted the decision to expand the site and the building of the World Dhammakaya Centre, an area of two thousand rai (3.2 km²). Buildings are designed using principles from meditation practice, and, according to the temple, are built to last a thousand years. In the area there are a number of important buildings:

Besides these, in the World Dhammakaya Center there are also more office buildings, a medical center, kutis for the samaneras, a computer center and a broadcast center for the satellite television channel and radio channel. The construction layout of the World Dhammakaya Center has been compared with that of Wat Mahadhatu, in that the layout reflects the cosmological order and the idea of the nation.

It is the intention of Wat Phra Dhammakaya to develop the World Dhammakaya Center into a meeting-place and pilgrimage place for Buddhists from all over the world, just as Vatican City is for Christians and Mecca is for Muslims.