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Ijigban community

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The Ijigban is one of the twenty-two districts found in Idoma land today. It occupies a land stretching from the southernmost part of Idoma to the fringes of Igbo land particularly, the Abakaliki Division. They fall within borderline of the Idoma ethnic group and the Ezza/Izze in the Northern part of Igbo land. The 2006 census figures numbered the Ijigban people to about 22,360. The people lived on a long bounded Northwest by the Igumale; Ulayi in the West; Utonkon in the North; Ekele and Igede to the Northeast and the Ezza/Izze Igbo in the south. The district is however located at the southernmost part of Ado local government area, and consisted of seven clans namely (according to seniority). Okpe, Ipole, Ehaje, Ogongo, Adegemi, Onogwu and Ai-Okpan, that collectively made up of two political wards.

Contents

The traditions of origin of the Ijigban, like the traditions of origins of many Nigerian, including the Idoma peoples as a whole is highly problematic. The word "Origins" in the strict anthropological sense refers to the emergence of a species of either plant or animal as distinct from another species". Traditions of origin in the context of Ijigban here are stories which people use to explain where their ancestors came from. As well as how they arrived at the place they presently occupy. Although traditions of origins often time yield towards the Hamitic hypothesis. The case of the Ijigban people of the southern Ado is quite unique, given evidence under available sources. In this wise, we shall adopt a comprehensive approaches to examine the various versions of the Ijigban’s traditions of origin.

Who are the Ijigbans?

The origin of this people forms a complex aspect of their pre-colonial historical information. Some of the earlier sources including the colonial once are mostly inadequate and contradicting. For instance, in attempt to trace this people’s origin, A.G. Armstrong asserted that the people of Ijigban, Ekele and Ulayi traced their traditions of origins to the Ngor in Ogoja province and are closely related. He therefore quoted Simey "that the Igumale, Ulayi, Agila and Ijigban are closely related, and all entered the area at about the same time and there are definite boundaries between these clans based on hunting right". His description of the people by name referred to as "Ijigbam-Ishieke" was not only contradicting but also has generated derogatory pitfall because, while the Ijigban people are one section of the original Idoma, the same could not be true about the Ishieke people of the Abakaliki. So how come "Ijigbam-Ishieke"? In another dimension, the Agila and the Ijigban (including Igumale, Ulayi and Utonkon alike) did not come to this present abode at the same time as claimed by Simey and supported by A.G. Armstrong. Reason been that while Agila traced the traditional of origin to "western origins" C. 165-1775, the Ijigban alongside Igumale attributed theirs to "Eastern origins" C. 1535–1745. For instance, according to E.O Erim, "The modern Agila district in Idomaland recalled that their ancestor Ago, who moved out from areas south of Idah C. 1625 – 1655, was of Bini extraction. He was the son of an unnamed Oba of Benin". The point we are trying to put across here, is that while Ijigban, Igumale claimed Apa as their traditional home land, the people of Agila may ignore that. At this juncture, R.G. Armstrong account could be say to be devoid of empirical historical fact.

R. G. Armstrong for one reason failed to understand that Ijigban who begot the seven sons that made up seven clans of Ijigban district today is begotten by Ogene, and Ogene a son of great Edor who traced his ancestral homeland to Apa 1 that is presently occupied by the Tiv. On the other hand, the Ishieke (as earlier observed) is a sub-clan of Izzi – Igbo who for all historical evidence have nothing to do with Idoma traditions of origins. If the Ijigban people are different from Izzi sub-clan (Ishieke) Igbo, where then was the origins of "Ijigbam-Ishieke"? From this above evidence (or called it myth), it is possible that the nomenclature ‘Ijigbam-Ishieke’ came as a result of the colonial "pacification" of the area, just like the early travelers and colonial officers referred to the whole Idoma as "Akpoto". Nonetheless, ignoring this biasness, his (R.G Armstrong) work is still a valuable source of information.

However, according to one informant, Chief Oriri Otseje (the District Head and Custodian of Ijigban History), As a result of the last war fought in Apa 1, (What Ochefu referred to as horse war), sacked heroes such as Ago, Ale and Edor, and that these leaders on the basis of hunting rights, founded their various settlements.

Another informant said that the traditions of origin of the Ijigban could be traced to Apa. Although, no particular historical period was given but that they migrated from Apa and they settled at various places including Izzekatton (or Izzekato) near Iyala in Cross-River for many years. Problems developed in Izzekatton as a result of Izze several attacks. He finally concludes thus; We met the Izze arrived after our ancestors. Soon, the Izze started menacing us (our ancestors) destroying their crops and domestic animals. Menace lasted for some years. The Izze killed several of our people. When the Izze overpowered my ancestor, the latter fled to another settlement called Iyede. He notes Iyede to be the present day Nyimegu where Izzegodo live today in North East part of Abakaliki. Resulting from push and pull factors, especially lacked of water and continuous Ezza disturbances, the Ijigban in a process of hunting found a stream where they later migrated to, because of the availability of water. He referred to this settlement as Ole-Efuu (native home). At Ole-Efuu, an Englishman whose name was not disclosed, demanded that Agbo who was then their king should crossed the stream and settled in present-day Ijigban District where his subjects in an earnest joined him.

Erim O. Erim also acknowledges these facts when he expresses that within the period C. 1685-1805, various invasion were made on Apa 1. He further agrees that; the Tiv whose demand for land and food always seemed to be insatiable. It is thus clear that it was the Tiv invasion which forced several Idoma groups to abandon their Apa 1 homeland and migrated to the south. At the south, there were the challenges of refugees as a result of "severe famine" in the present day Igumale. Though Ale during this famine had already established an extensive corn-farm (igu) and shortly, the corn got finished thereby forcing out other refugees to migrated further south looking for protection and safety. Also agreed with elder Onoja Agbo’s oral account, "that the Ijigban migrated from Izzekatto and Iyede due to unending problems", Erim established that; between C. 1685–1805 of the last phase of the eastern origins, five kindred’s came north moving away from unrest in Abakaliki region… fights for land between the various inhabitants of that country.

Note that the essence of this comparism account is to arrive at acceptable empirical historical evidence. From the above explanation also, the traditions of origin and migration of this people (Ijigban) could be seen as gradual process unlike the first version of Armstrong that "the people of Ijigban, Ekele and Ulayi came from Ngor in Ogoga province and are closely related". Indeed, according to intensive socio-political and economic interactions between the Ijigban and the Ishieke people in the pre-colonial period prior to colonial advent would have promoted a group like "Ijigbam-Ishieke". Added to the ongoing, Ochefu noted that the Ijigban (but spelled Ijigbam in his work), Agila, recognize "Apa" as their ancestral homeland from where they migrated to their present location. From every indication, by the middle of the eighteenth century, these proto-Idoma (of which Ijigban is included) groups, which claimed "eastern origins" had been pushed by a variety of factors into their second and from their second into a third homeland, of what could be regarded as modern settlement. And by 1800, the southern Portions (which Ijigban is a part) of modern Idomaland had already been settled. On the departure, the Ijigbam among other six Idoma kindred’s, adopted the Black monkey totem (iho) as part of indication of royal kindreds in Apa1. As noted earlier, the major cause of this migration was the invasion of the Tiv who were in process of incorporating the whole of Apa 1 into their homeland. Coincidentally, the expansion of the Keana Confederacy and troubles in Abakaliki to the south added to the pressures on the Idoma, inducing them to move.

Settlement pattern and development of Ijigban district

Settlement is a major component of rural land use and created in space for the purpose of living as well as a basis for man’s economic and political activities geared towards growth and development. By this, we mean that settlements are man’s first step towards self-adaptation to his envirionment33. Human settlement patterns involve physical and socio-economic or cultural factors. These two sets of factors determine the stable nature of interaction among the people and outside the district.

The settlement patterns and development of Ijigban District is based on their respective clans (Ipo-opu). But firstly, what is Ijigban district today could be traced to advent of colonial administration and the arrival of Captain John A.D.O. (Administrator Divisional Officer) at Okpoga Native Authority on 23 March, 192134. Consequently, the Okpoga Native Authority was moved to Otukpo on 7 February 1924, later Idoma Native Authority where the twenty-two (Including Ijigban) districts in Idomaland were recognised.

However, the Ijigban’s seven sons made up of the seven clans (Ipo-Opu) whose settlements are separated from each other respectively. These seven clans are according to seniority; Okpe clan who settled in the north-east of Ijigban and have boundaries with Ogogo (North), Ai-Okpan (East) and Onogwu and part of Ehaje in the centre; The Ipole live at the entrance (i.e. south west) and have – boundaries with Adegemi and part of Ogogo-Ole-Ogaba-Ede; Ehaje settled in the center stretching to the South and Ogogo at the North Adegemi is in between Ipole and Ogogo; Onogwu in south east respectively. Each of these clans (Ipo-Opu) further developed an out skirt settlements. For instance, Odumuke is an out skirt of Ipole, just like Anmeka is for Ehaje etc.

In Ijigban, the compound (Ododa-Ole) layouts shows that the majority of the houses face inwards onto one or more court-yards. Each compound may be occupied by members of an extended family or by a man, his wife and siblings. One or more junior men may assert their independence by settling up their compounds.

However, streets are not named or numbered in Ijigban, and visitors to the town often have to rely on elaborate description of the location of houses. Having said all these generally, the settlement pattern is naturally lineal in most cases quite unlike Igumale and Agila, and clustered to one another with motorable road at the middle. Not until the 1990s, most of the houses were thatched roof characterized with local mud’s with distinctive style of compound. Each clan has its own playground (Ofu) where dances, festival gatherings and meetings are held and paths lead from this playground (Ofu) to the various compounds that make up the quarter, that is the clan. In each of these clans, the name of the group is usually quite literally "the sons of… (ai). The clan (Ipoopu) here means" those of one playground or council ground. Among the factors that led to the gradual development process of Ijigban district was economic. Markets were organized often four to five days interval where household items, out of surpluses and demand were exchanged. Agricultural practices such as communal and cooperative farming (Igbe-Opiatoha) among Age-set associations facilitated the development. As opined by Gordon Childe and popularized by Erim; …invention of agriculture automatically brought about surplus food which enabled groups of people to divorce themselves from food production and devote attention to other occupations. This situation created extensive division of labour… it was from this occupational specialization that political integration emerged.

With the conducive atmosphere and availability of food, settlement was encouraged, men and women encouraged to engaged on activities that geared toward development. The inter and intra marriages also played vital role in the developmental process. Settlement due to the above factors become complex, in addition to emergence of schools in the area. Before the civil war, schools at the elementary level mostly class 4 and 6 prevailed through efforts of some indigenes. One informant stated that;… We used our money to buy schools (that is 3 pounds) and teachers… we housed and fed them…He maintained that first school in the district was the initiative of Chief Agbo, located at Abizzen (present Ipole). He acknowledged the Chief (Oche) as hardworking man, who before colonial advent had transverse across borders. He was also the tax-collector during the colonial period and was a member of Idoma council of Chiefs (1929–1933 where he was known as Agboonma) representing Ijigban district. Other initiators of schools in this area were Eji Oduma (for Odumuke School, Oriri Otseje (for Anmeka School) The later Catholic school as also established at Anmeka by Basel Otseje after his arrival from the popular Burma war (that is the Second World War 1939-1945) although collapsed due to the prevailing Oriri’s school. It is important to note that all the first phase of the developmental plans and achievements were destroyed during the Nigerian civil war (1967–1970).

The development of Ijigban district which would be described as second phase, came on board probably two years after the civil war. Period coincided will the installation of Chief Oriri Otseje on 26 April 1972. However, since the 1970s, gradual development were remarkable including two primary schools, bore-hole of various capacity as well as the propose electricity. Attempt of building a secondary school since the 1980s failed, except that of recent Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme which can be found in its embryonic stage at the moment.

Finally the advent of modern networking and the expansion of subsistence economy coincided with its monetization and introduction of new modern communications like road and networking services, contributed to the growth and development of the Ijigban district. The settlement pattern did not only which not only ensures proximity to work place but subsequently reduces the amount of energy spent on conquering distance since the community travels primarily on foot to farm and market as the case may be.

From the preceding, the chapter has examined the location of Ijigban and also accounted for the physical geographical features. It has traced the origin of the people through different accounts. It has sought to amended the nomenclature "Ijigbam-Ishieke" by foreigners (especially Simey and R.G. Armstrong). Whatever the case may be, settlement pattern and how it has led to gradual development of the district has also be noted. It has held that the development of the district came in two phases: Before and after the Nigerian civil war (1967–1970).

Language

In determining and ascertaining the general extent of linguistic diversity of a locality in any given socio-linguistic survey, one is often confronted with the methodological problem of accurate identification, isolation, classification and enumeration of the various languages, dialects and sublets concerned. This difficulty is compounded by the lack of clear distinction between the concepts of 'language' and 'ethnicity'. Over the years, linguists have increasingly reasoned with P. K. Bleambo's position that language and ethnicity are neither coincidental nor coterminous 46. This suggests in essence that some ethnic groups and their indigenes should be considered more as dialect clusters of the language of some larger ethno-cultural groups. The case of the Ijigban is evident enough in this regard.

Studies in historical and comparative linguistics have empirically shown that Ijigban for all intents and purposes is a linguistic and not an ethnic appellation. The Ijigban predominantly speaks the Abize’s language – a subsidiary of the Idoma tongue.

The Ijigban traditional clans

The ijigban consists of seven clans namely

  1. Ipole
  2. Ehaje
  3. Ogongo
  4. Adegimi
  5. Onoguw
  6. Ai'okpan
  7. Okpe

Each clan is traditionally governed by the clan’s head regarded as "Ejira". The ijigban as a community is headed by the district head regarded as the "oche' ijigban" who is often regarded as the custodian of the ijigban tradition

The Ijigban Culture and traditions

The ijigban community celebrates three yearly cultural festiva namely

  1. Eronunu (new yam festiva) - celebrated every September
  2. Arigwu - celebrated every July
  3. Egbedogwu - celebrated every June

The cultural practice by the ijigban community varies from clan to clan. While the people of Ipole, Ehaje, Onogwu, Okpe, Adegimi, and Ai’okpan warship unaroko as the idole of their fore-fathers, the Ogongo people idoled Arikwu.

Personality and political leaders in Ijigban

Hon Chief Aboh Edeh became the first elected chairman of Ado LGC from Ijigabn Origin. Notable Personalities from Ijigban are Hon. Agbo Aboh (frontline graduate and the first executive chairman of Ado from Ijigban origin), Hon. Emmanuel Oketa (Late) (once a powerful political block and mobilizer), Engr Simon Oketa, Hon. (Dr.) Francis Ottah Agbo, Hon. Barr Alexander Oketa. Other notable persons are Patrick Onumah, Sunday Orinya, Evang. Sunday Onah, Amos Odega, Hon A. P Oketa and numerous others.

References

Ijigban community Wikipedia